This suggestion, that criminals such as serial killers can be rehabilitated to the extent that they are able to return to the outside world, has its opponents. Consultant forensic psychologist Dr Keith Ashcroft says that 'extreme caution must be exercised' when making any decisions on serial murderers being freed. Table Source: Juvenile Crime, Juvenile Justice (2001) p 18 Table 1-1 International Comparisons of Juvenile Justice Systems The age of criminal responsibility is interesting when we are seeing more and more young people engaging in criminal activity and in some cases carrying out very serious criminal acts.

1. Serial Killer Facts And Statistics
2. Rehabilitation Statistics For Criminals
3. Prison Rehabilitation Statistics
4. Physical Rehabilitation Statistics
5. Criminal Psychology Serial Killers
6. Rehabilitation For Criminals Statistics

1. Child Molester Statistics 'The serial killer has the same personality characteristics as the sex. Serial Killers; Silent Crimes; Sports Crimes; Terrorism; War Crimes; FBI’s Ten. 10 Unconventional Ways To Rehabilitate Prisoners. In addition to lack of education, many inmates report a difficulty in finding employment prior to incarceration.
2. The Bureau of Justice Statistics defines a serial killing as: '[involving] the killing of several victims in three or more separate events.' This definition is especially close to that of a spree killer, and perhaps the primary difference between the two is that a serial killer tends to 'lure' victims to their death, whereas a spree killer.
3. Crime, Criminals, Prison & Rehabilitation: Serial Killers - a discussion on Care2.com. Crime, Criminals, Prison & Rehabilitation: Serial Killers - a discussion on Care2.com. The term serial killer was first used on Ted Bundy. If you look at the statistics, many serial killers faced abuse as children, so it would make sense about abused.
4. Home 4.1 Can serial killers be treated? Easy to establish empathy face to face with a cold-blooded killer. Directions in treatment of serial killers.

Abstract

The manuscript surveys the history of psychopathic personality, from its origins in psychiatric folklore to its modern assessment in the forensic arena. Individuals with psychopathic personality, or psychopaths, have a disproportionate impact on the criminal justice system. Psychopaths are twenty to twenty-five times more likely than non-psychopaths to be in prison, four to eight times more likely to violently recidivate compared to non-psychopaths, and are resistant to most forms of treatment. This article presents the most current clinical efforts and neuroscience research in the field of psychopathy. Given psychopathy’s enormous impact on society in general and on the criminal justice system in particular, there are significant benefits to increasing awareness of the condition. This review also highlights a recent, compelling and cost-effective treatment program that has shown a significant reduction in violent recidivism in youth on a putative trajectory to psychopathic personality.

Psychopaths consume an astonishingly disproportionate amount of criminal justice resources. The label psychopath is often used loosely by a variety of participants in the system—police, victims, prosecutors, judges, probation officers, parole and prison officials, even defense lawyers—as a kind of lay synonym for incorrigible. Law and psychiatry, even at the zenith of their rehabilitative optimism, both viewed psychopaths as a kind of exception that proved the rehabilitative rule. Psychopaths composed that small but embarrassing cohort whose very resistance to all manner of treatment seemed to be its defining characteristic.

Psychopathy is a constellation of psychological symptoms that typically emerges early in childhood and affects all aspects of a sufferer’s life including relationships with family, friends, work, and school. The symptoms of psychopathy include shallow affect, lack of empathy, guilt and remorse, irresponsibility, and impulsivity (see Table 1 for a complete list of psychopathic symptoms). The best current estimate is that just less than 1% of all noninstitutionalized males age 18 and over are psychopaths.¹ This translates to approximately 1,150,000 adult males who would meet the criteria for psychopathy in the United States today.² And of the approximately 6,720,000 adult males that are in prison, jail, parole, or probation,³ 16%, or 1,075,000, are psychopaths.⁴ Thus, approximately 93% of adult male psychopaths in the United States are in prison, jail, parole, or probation.

Table 1

The items corresponding to the early two-factor conceptualization of psychopathy, subsequent three-factor model, and current four-factor model are listed.⁹¹ The two-factor model labels are Interpersonal-Affective (Factor 1) and Social Deviance (Factor 2); the three-factor model labels are Arrogant and Deceitful Interpersonal Style (Factor 1); Deficient Affective Experience (Factor 2), and Impulsive and Irresponsible Behavioral Style (Factor 3); the four-factor model labels are Interpersonal (Factor 1), Affective (Factor 2), Lifestyle (Factor 3), and Antisocial (Factor 4). Items indicated with “--” did not load on any factor.

Psychopathy is astonishingly common as mental disorders go. It is twice as common as schizophrenia, anorexia, bipolar disorder, and paranoia,⁵ and roughly as common as bulimia, panic disorder, obsessive-compulsive personality disorder, and narcissism.⁶ Indeed, the only mental disorders significantly more common than psychopathy are those related to drug and alcohol abuse or dependence, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder.

No matter where one stands on the long-debated question of whether “nothing works” when it comes to criminal rehabilitation,⁷ there is no doubt that the psychopath has grossly distorted the inquiry. Psychopaths are not only much more likely than non-psychopaths to be imprisoned for committing violent crimes,⁸ they are also more likely to finagle an early release using the deceptive skills that are part of their pathologic toolbox,⁹ and then, once released, are much more likely to recidivate, and to recidivate violently.¹⁰

But this exasperating picture of the hidden and incorrigible psychopath may be changing. Neuroscience is beginning to open the hood on psychopathy. The scientist-author of this article has spent the last 15 years imaging the brains of psychopaths in prison, and has accumulated the world’s largest forensic database on the psychopathic brain. The findings from this data and others,¹¹ summarized in Part IV, strongly suggest that all psychopaths share common neurological traits that are becoming relatively easy to diagnose using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).¹² Additionally, researchers are beginning to report significant progress in treatment, especially, and most excitingly, in the treatment of juveniles with early indications of psychopathy.¹³

This paper will not attempt to answer the complex and controversial policy question of whether psychopathy should be an excusing condition under the criminal law, or even whether, the extent to which, and the direction in which a diagnosis of psychopathy should drive a criminal sentence.¹⁴ As science pushes the chain of behavioral causation back in time and deeper into the brain, it is all too tempting to label the latest cause as an excuse. But of course not every cause is an excuse. Whether “you” pulled the trigger on the gun, or your motor neurons did, or your sensory neurons, or neurons deeper in your cortical or subcortical systems, is not only a nonsensical question, it is a tautological inquiry that will never be able to answer the only pertinent moral and public policy question: should you be held responsible for your actions? That is, are you sufficiently rational to be blameworthy?¹⁵ Addressing difficult policy questions of how these new instruments to detect psychopathy and the new treatments for it might best be integrated into the criminal justice system are questions beyond the scope of this paper and should be the focus of future scholarly work.¹⁶

But even if a cause does not sufficiently disable an actor’s reason, and therefore does not rise to the level of excuse, that does not mean the system should not care about causes, especially at the punishment end. On the contrary, those involved in the criminal justice system have a moral obligation, not just to the people incarcerated but also to those on whom the temporarily incarcerated will be released, to do everything they can, within the constraints of the punitive purposes of imprisonment, to reduce recidivism. Given the facts that psychopaths make up such a disproportionate segment of people in prison and that they recidivate at substantially higher rates than non-psychopaths, the recent advances in the diagnosis and treatment of psychopathy discussed in this paper are developments anyone concerned with the criminal justice system simply cannot ignore. Even a modest reduction in the criminal recidivism of psychopaths would significantly decrease the exploding public resources we devote to prisons, not to mention reduce the risks all of us face as potential victims of psychopaths.

This paper will survey the history of psychopathy (Part I), the impact psychopaths have on the criminal justice system (Part II), the traditional clinical assessments for psychopathy (Part III), the emerging neuroimaging findings (Part IV), and will finish with a discussion of recent treatment studies and their potential economic impacts (Part V).

I. A BRIEF HISTORY OF PSYCHOPATHY

A. Emptied Souls

The idea that some humans are inherent free riders without moral scruple seems to have become controversial only in the postmodern era, when it has become fashionable to deny that any of us have a “nature” at all. For as long as humans have roamed the Earth, we have noticed that there are people who seem to be what psychiatrist Adolf Guggenbühl-Craig called “emptied souls.”¹⁷ One of Aristotle’s students, Theophrastus, was probably the first to write about them, calling them “the unscrupulous.”¹⁸ These are people who lack the ordinary connections that bind us all and lack the inhibitions that those connections impose. They are, to over simplify, people without empathy or conscience.

Psychopathy has always been part of human society; that is evident from its ubiquity in history’s myths and literature.¹⁹ Greek and Roman mythology is strewn with psychopaths, Medea being the most obvious.²⁰ Psychopaths populate the Bible, at least the Old Testament, perhaps beginning with Cain. Psychopaths have appeared in a steady stream of literature from all cultures since humans first put pen to paper: from King Shahyar in The Book of One Thousand and One Nights;²¹ to the psychopaths in Shakespeare, including Richard III and, perhaps most chillingly, Aaron the Moor in Titus Andronicus; to the villain Ximen Qing in the 17th century Chinese epic Jin Ping Mei, The Golden Vase.²² More recent sightings in film and literature include Macheath, from Berthold Brecht’s Three Penny Opera, Alex DeLarge in Anthony Burgess’ A Clockwork Orange, and Hannibal Lecter in Silence of the Lambs.²³

No cultures, or stations, are immune. One of the modern fathers of the clinical study of psychopathy, Hervey Cleckley, famously opined that the Athenian general Alcibiades was probably a psychopath.²⁴ And of course there was the Roman emperor Caligula. But psychopaths much more typically come from the ranks of the ordinary. Cleckley wrote extensively about ordinary patients he classified as having severe forms of psychopathy and whom he opined were almost all “plainly unsuited for life in any community; some are as thoroughly incapacitated, in my opinion, as most patients with unmistakable schizophrenic psychosis.”²⁵ But he also examined patients who were highly functioning businessmen—men of the world as he put it—scientists, physicians and even psychiatrists. These people were able to navigate the demands of modern society, despite having the same clinical constellations as their less-functioning brethren, including grandiosity, impulsivity, remorselessness and shallow affect. These functioning psychopaths have become the objects of much recent attention.²⁶

Although in this article we will focus on research efforts in the U.S. and Canada, psychopathy is a worldwide problem. In 1995, NATO commissioned an Advanced Study Institute on Psychopathic Behavior, the scientific director of which was Robert Hare, whose seminal clinical assessment instrument is discussed in detail in Part II below.²⁷ One of the important collections on psychopathy, cited throughout this article, was the product of a 1999 meeting held under the auspices of the Queen of Spain and her Center for the Study of Violence.²⁸ Also discussed below²⁹ is the British practice of expressly addressing the problem of the psychopath in commitment statutes in ways that have been generally more aggressive, at least theoretically, than is done in North America.

Psychopaths also appear in existing preindustrial societies, suggesting they are not a cultural artifact of the demands of advancing civilization but have been with us since our emergence as a species. For example, the Yorubas, a tribe indigenous to southwestern Nigeria, call their psychopaths aranakan, which they describe as meaning “a person who always goes his own way regardless of others, who is uncooperative, full of malice, and bullheaded.” Inuits have a word, kunlangeta, that they use to describe someone whose “mind knows what to do but he does not do it,” and who repeatedly lies, steals, cheats, and rapes.³¹

While the capacity to identify with the thoughts and feelings of fellow human beings undoubtedly has innumerable cultural variations, it is beginning to be clear that evolution has built into the human brain a central core of moral reasoning that is more or less universal.³² It is that central core that is missing in psychopaths.

B. Psychopathy and Psychiatry

Psychopaths have hidden from psychiatry too. Well into the eighteenth century, medicine recognized only three broad classes of mental illness: melancholy (depression), psychosis, and delusion, and the psychopath fit into none of these. Even today, the bible of diagnostic psychiatry—the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) does not formally recognize psychopathy, but uses instead the largely subsuming diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder (ASPD).³³ ASPD was intended to be synonymous with psychopathy. But as discussed in more detail below,³⁴ it has since become clear, if it was not at the time, that in their efforts to compromise the authors of the DSM missed the psychopathic mark. And yet, even though psychopathy has never fit comfortably into the psychiatric pigeonholes du jour, clinicians have long been noticing and documenting their encounters with people whose perceptive and logical faculties seemed entirely intact, but who nevertheless seemed profoundly incapable of making moral choices.

One of the first medical professionals to describe this population was the French doctor Phillipe Pinel, who in 1806 described the condition as maniaque sans délire, insanity without delirium.³⁵ One of Pinel’s students, Jean Etienne Dominique Esquirol, called it la folie raisonnante, rational madness.³⁶ Benjamin Rush dubbed it moral derangement.³⁷Moral insanity was another popular term that was prevalent in the United States and England throughout the 1800s and early 1900s.³⁸

The term psychopathy comes from the German word psychopastiche, the first use of which is generally credited to the German psychiatrist J.L.A. Koch in 1888,³⁹ and which literally means suffering soul. The term gained clinical traction through the first third of the 1900s, but for a time was replaced by sociopathy, which emerged in the 1930s. The two terms were often used interchangeably by clinicians and academics. Sociopathy was preferred by some because the lay public sometimes confused psychopathy with psychosis.⁴⁰ Many professionals also preferred sociopathy because it evoked the notion that these antisocial behaviors were largely the product of environment, an opinion held by many at the time. In contrast, psychopathy evoked a deeper genetic, or at least developmental, cause.⁴¹ When the DSM-III introduced the broader diagnosis of ASPD in 1980,⁴² sociopathy and sociopath fell out of modern favor.

The causes of psychopathy, like the causes of most complex mental disorders, are not well understood. There is a growing body of evidence, including the research discussed in Part IV of this article, showing that psychopathy is highly correlated to aberrant neuronal activity in specific regions of the brain. Those neurological causes are in turn almost certainly either genetic or the product of very early developmental problems.⁴³ Indeed, the clinical evidence of signs of psychopathy in very young children suggests that the classical blank slate model of the psychopath as the adult product of childhood maltreatment probably misses the mark.⁴⁴ Although the question is still debated, many scholars of psychopathy have accepted an interactive model, in which the people who become psychopaths are seen as having a genetic or early developmental predisposition for the disorder, which then blossoms into psychopathy when the predisposed individual interacts with a poor environment.⁴⁵

This is just one example of the nature versus nurture gnarl endemic to the larger question of why humans behave the way they do. Psychopathy is a particularly good example of why it is so difficult to tease out these causative influences. On the one hand, it is not difficult to imagine that a parent’s failure to bond with an infant could produce the kinds of neurological and clinical changes associated with psychopathy, and indeed there are many of these so-called “attachment theories” to explain a host of mental diseases. There are studies galore that correlate the neglect and abuse of children to those children growing up with increased risks of depression, suicide, violence, drug abuse and crime.⁴⁶ But there are currently no studies that correlate these environmental factors to psychopathy. On the contrary, a paper Hare and his colleagues presented in 1990 shows that on average there is no detectable difference in the family backgrounds of incarcerated psychopaths and non-psychopaths.⁴⁷ None of this means a baby born with a disposition for psychopathy is destined for it. But it does mean, as Hare has put it, “that their biological endowment—the raw materials that environmental, social, and learning experiences fashion into a unique individual—provides a poor basis for socialization and conscience formation.”⁴⁸ As presented in Part V, there is new work suggesting that a certain type of therapy may be able to make up for this poor start and take young people with psychopathic predispositions off their psychopathic track. There is also evidence that even if young psychopaths cannot be cured, the environment in which they grow up is highly correlated to whether they will become criminal psychopaths or the kind of psychopaths who avoid crime and manage to function among us.⁴⁹

Many psychiatrists at the turn of the century were uncomfortable with general descriptions of psychopathy as a lack of moral core. Such labels seemed more judgmental than scientific, a concern that no doubt touched a nerve of a young discipline already self-conscious about its early descriptive excesses and empirical voids. Psychiatrists like Henry Maudsley in England and J.L.A. Koch in Germany began thinking and writing about more comprehensive ways to describe the condition.⁵⁰ Koch’s diagnostic criteria even found their way into the 8th edition of E. Kraepelin’s classic textbook on clinical psychiatry. But in exchange for more theoretical diagnostic clarity, the so-called German School of psychopathy expanded the diagnosis to include people who hurt themselves as well as others, and in the process seemed to lose sight of the moral disability that was at the core of the condition. By the time of the Great Depression, psychiatry was using the word psychopath to include people who were depressed, weak-willed, excessively shy and insecure—in other words, almost anyone deemed abnormal.⁵¹ The true psychopath had, once again, become academically, if not clinically, hidden.

This began to change in the late 1930s and early 1940s, largely as the result of the work of two men, the Scottish psychiatrist David Henderson and the American psychiatrist Hervey Cleckley. Henderson published his book Psychopathic States in 1939, and it instantly caused a reexamination of the German School’s broad approach. In it, Henderson focused on his observations that the psychopath is often otherwise perfectly normal, perfectly rational, and perfectly capable of achieving his abnormal egocentric ends. In America, Cleckley’s Mask of Sanity did very much the same. A minority of psychiatrists began to refocus on the psychopath’s central lack of moral reasoning, but with more diagnostic precision than had been seen before.

But orthodox psychiatry’s approach to psychopathy continued to be bedeviled by the conflict between affective traits, which traditionally had been the focus of the German School, and the persistent violation of social norms, which became a more modern line of inquiry. Almost everyone recognized the importance of the affective traits in getting at psychopathy, but many had doubts about clinicians’ abilities to reliably detect criteria such as callousness. It was this tension—between those who did and did not think the affective traits could be reliably diagnosed—that drove the swinging pendulum of the DSM’s iterations. Another organic difficulty with the notion of including psychopathy in a diagnostic and treatment manual is that these manuals were never designed for forensic use.⁵² Yet it has always been clear that one of the essential dimensions of psychopathy is social deviance, often in a forensic context.

The DSM, first published in 1952, dealt with the problem under the category Sociopathic Personality Disturbance, and divided this category into three diagnoses: antisocial reaction, dissocial reaction, and sexual deviation.⁵³ It generally retained both affective and behavioral criteria, though it separated them into the antisocial and dissocial diagnoses. In 1968, the DSM-II lumped the two diagnoses together into the single category of antisocial personality, retaining both affective and behavioral criteria.⁵⁴ The German tradition was finally broken in 1980 with the publication of the DSM-III, which for the first time defined psychopathy as the persistent violation of social norms, and which dropped the affective traits altogether, though it retained the label antisocial personality disorder.⁵⁵

By dropping the affective traits dimension entirely, the DSM-III approach, and its 1987 revisions in DSM-III-R, ended up being both too broad and too narrow. It was too broad because by fixing on behavioral indicators rather than personality it encompassed individuals with completely different personalities, many of whom were not psychopaths. It was also too narrow because it soon became clear that the diagnostic artificiality of this norm-based version of ASPD was missing the core of psychopathy.⁵⁶ This seismic definitional change was made in the face of strong criticism from clinicians and academics specializing in the study of psychopathy that, contrary to the framers of the DSM-III, had confidence in the ability of trained clinicians to reliably detect the affective traits. Widespread dissatisfaction with the DSM-III’s treatment of ASPD led the American Psychiatric Association to conduct field studies in an effort to improve the coverage of the traditional symptoms of psychopathy. The result was that the DSM-IV reintroduced some of the affective criteria the DSM-III left out, but in a compromise it provided virtually no guidance about how to integrate the two sets. As Robert Hare has put it, “An unfortunate consequence of the ambiguity inherent in DSM-IV is likely to be a court case in which one clinician says the defendant meets the DSM-IV definition of ASPD, another clinician says he does not, and both are right!”⁵⁸

In the meantime, beginning in the 1980s, some clinicians began to rethink a working clinical definition of psychopathy. Based on Cleckley’s published criteria, Hare published his Psychopathy Checklist (PCL) in 1980,⁵⁹ which he has since revised in 1991 and 2003 (PCL-R).⁶⁰ In 1995, his colleagues authored the Psychopathy Checklist: Screening Version (PCL: SV),⁶¹ and in 2003 Hare coauthored the Psychopathy Checklist: Youth Version (PCL-YV).⁶² For many clinicians and researchers, these instruments, which are discussed in detail in Part II below, have become the standard diagnostic tool for psychopathy. They combine affective criteria (Factor 1) and socially deviant criteria (Factor 2) but do so with detailed rules for measuring those criteria to create a diagnostic score that has proven validity and high interrater reliability.⁶³

The relationship between Hare’s Psychopathy Factors and ASPD, at least in incarcerated populations,⁶⁴ is depicted in Figure 1, which shows how ASPD fails to capture the affective traits (Factor 1) but does a good job of capturing the antisocial traits (Factor 2). Thus, ASPD-targeted treatment will do a good job of reaching prisoners with deviance trait disorders, including a large slice of psychopaths, but will miss almost half with Factor 1 affective disorders. Even more troubling, ASPD-targeted treatment will not be targeted at all because up to 85% of all prisoners suffer from ASPD.

Antisocial Personality Disorder and Psychopathy Among Incarcerated Populations⁶⁵

Figure 2 depicts the comorbidity of substance abuse and psychopathy for incarcerated populations, again using the Hare definition of psychopathy. Notice that the psychopaths with drug and alcohol problems make up a little less than half of all the incarcerated psychopaths. This means that about 10% of all of the drug treatment efforts in prison are potentially wasted at the outset (on half of the 20% who are psychopaths), unless treaters consider the influence of psychopathy on treatment. Psychopaths generally recidivate because they are psychopaths, not because they have drug problems.

Drug Abuse-Dependence and Psychopathy Among Incarcerated Populations⁶⁶

The Hare instruments have proved to be extremely useful, and, as discussed in more detail in Part II below, they are the gold standard for the clinical diagnosis of psychopathy. They have been translated into a dozen languages, and are used around the world. Yet, as we have already mentioned, the orthodox view as expressed in the DSM-IV, and now the DSM-IV-TR, does not recognize psychopathy as a condition separate from ASPD. The debate remains robust,⁶⁷ though, like many issues with psychopathy, is asymmetric. There are dozens of peer-reviewed papers published each year that validate the assessment of psychopathy using the Hare criteria, but very few arguing that ASPD is the better diagnostic tool. The roots of this continuing, if decelerating, debate lie not only in the historical skepticism of describing a condition in moral, seemingly judgmental, terms, and in continuing doubts about the reliability of detecting the affective traits, but also in the problem of diagnostic tautology. Academic psychiatry is justifiably troubled by diagnostic criteria that include too many behavioral components. It is theoretically unsettling to define a condition as a mental disorder just because it is has been declared to be antisocial by the legal system.

C. Psychopathy and the Law

The law has treated psychopathy with the same benign neglect as psychiatry has, and for much longer. A case can be made, however, that the law’s blind eye has made more sense, at least when it comes to thinking of psychopathy as a potentially excusing mental disease. Geography of urban transportation pdf. An institution dedicated to the regulation of social behaviors hardly could excuse a general class of miscreants simply because, well, they are miscreants. Early notions of insanity and other excusing doctrines were, like psychiatry, focused on subjects’ general inability to perceive the world around them and make judgments about that world—the lunatics, imbeciles, and children, as both psychiatry and the common law famously grouped together the legally blameless and incompetent.⁶⁸

The law attributes all antisocial acts, psychopathic or no, to the same forces it attributes all acts of people whose reason is sufficiently intact to be presumed to have free will: a conscious judgment to violate social norms, usually for personal gain, and for which, once caught, they must be held responsible. It has never recognized that people whose central disability is that they chronically make antisocial choices should be excused for those antisocial behaviors. On the contrary, the persistently bad arguably should be punished more than the occasionally bad. This is the very difference between good people doing bad things, mad people doing bad things, and bad people doing bad things.

Reflecting these deep and long-standing notions of responsibility, in 1953 the American Law Institute adopted what has become known as the caveat paragraph in its definition of insanity, crafted specifically to exclude defenses smacking of psychopathy: “The terms ‘mental disease or defect’ do not include an abnormality manifested only by repeated criminal or otherwise antisocial conduct.”⁶⁹ The Model Penal Code has retained the caveat paragraph,⁷⁰ as has every state that has adopted the Model Penal Code definition of insanity, either in its statutory definition of insanity or in its stock jury instructions, or both.⁷¹ In the federal courts, before the adoption of the Insanity Defense Reform Act of 1984,⁷² every Circuit save two adopted the caveat paragraph as a matter of federal common law.⁷³ The 1984 federal Act adopted a non-Model Penal Code definition of insanity that did not include anything like the caveat paragraph,⁷⁴ but we have been unable to find a single reported post-1984 federal case suggesting that psychopathy is a qualifying mental disease or defect within the federal definition of insanity. The idea that psychopathy could be an excusing condition appears to be as dead a letter as there ever is in law.

And yet this dead letter seems to be stirring a bit in the academy. As we are coming to learn that moral cognition is not a tabula rasa, but has some deeply rooted evolutionary and neurological attributes,⁷⁵ some legal scholars have argued that those who lack that moral core might, at the extreme, be no more responsible for their immorality than those who lack the cognitive ability to perceive the world with sufficient accuracy to allow their reason to guide them through it.⁷⁶

The law has always recognized that if John kills Miriam by squeezing her neck, but in fact thinks he is squeezing a lemon, he cannot be held legally responsible for her death.⁷⁷ In fact, in that case John need not prove his insanity as an excusing condition; the prosecution case in chief fails because the prosecution is unable to prove John had the required state of mind, which, as every first year law student learns, is as much an element of most crimes as the acts themselves.

But there is a slightly more complicated, and more common, defect in reasoning that the criminal law recognizes as an excusing condition. Even if a defendant is sufficiently rational to form intentions and act on them, the law still excuses harmful acts if the defendant’s ability to perceive the world is so disabled that it renders his rationality useless to him. This, in short form, is the insanity defense. Daniel M’Naghten was completely rational in the narrowest of senses. If it were true that there was a massive Tory plot to kill him, then his preemptive strike on the Tory prime minister made perfect sense, and he was able to perform step-by-step all the logical acts necessary to accomplish his goal.⁷⁸ But he still was not legally responsible if in fact his rationality was compromised by a seriously distorted view of the world.

Once we recognize that the key to criminal responsibility is rationality, and a sufficiently rich kind of rationality not only to navigate the perceived world but also to perceive it with reasonable accuracy, then what about psychopaths? They are certainly rational in the narrow sense of being able to determine their best interest and to navigate in the world to achieve that interest. In fact, in some sense they are hyperrational. They consider only their self-interest and they are masters, at least in the short run, of manipulating the world to those interests. But do they perceive the world with sufficient accuracy to be held responsible for their highly rational manipulations of it?

In the end, of course, this is a policy question that requires lawmakers to make a myriad of judgments. On the one hand, it is difficult to justify a system whose entire function is to punish those who incorrectly balance their self-interest against their social duty, if the system is completely insensitive to a whole class of people who do not even own an internal balance. If I am a psychopath, the question is not whether the advantages of a given act under consideration outweigh or otherwise justify the harm I will cause to other people, it is whether I should help myself to what I perceive is a cost-free benefit. Other people are not even on my radar. A psychopath would no more hesitate to rob a victim of $20 than you or I would hesitate to pick up $20 sitting on the sidewalk. The two $20 bills are, in the psychopath’s mind, available for taking in exactly the same way. He does not perceive the interests of the person with rightful possession of the $20 any more than Daniel M’Naghten perceived that his fears of a Tory plot to kill him were delusional.

But the counter arguments are just as powerful. First, of course, the criminal law is a strategic enterprise, and whenever it recognizes exceptions to blameworthiness it can count on people faking the excusing conditions. This has forced the law to recognize only a few narrow exceptions to responsibility—only those that resonate with its original recognition that lunatics, imbeciles, and children are not legally responsible, and even then, more modernly, only when the clinical sciences can speak with at least some degree of reliability about the excusing conditions. If psychiatry, despite all of its waxing and waning efforts and compromises, will still not recognize psychopathy as a formal diagnosis apart from ASPD, you can be sure the law will not recognize it as an excuse.

More significantly, opponents of excusing psychopathy distinguish between Daniel M’Naghten’s delusions about the state of the universe and the psychopath’s claimed lack of free will. The Daniel M’Naghtens of the world—that is, defendants pleading traditional excusing defenses like insanity—rarely claim they were driven to the crime by anything other than their own deluded views of the world.⁷⁹ M’Naghten did not kill Peel’s secretary because anyone forced him; he voluntarily did so after weighing the options on a seriously deluded scale. Psychopaths are not deluded at all about the external world (except their relative importance in it), and they certainly do not lack free will; their will is in fact too free. Nor can we really say that the psychopath should be excused because his defective moral compass rendered his crimes irresistible to him in the sense of the controversial “irresistible impulse” formulation of insanity. Every person who commits a crime has, by definition, failed to resist committing it.⁸⁰ And psychopaths seem perfectly capable of resisting self-harming actions that do not require an understanding of the social network. That is, they can resist sticking their hands in a bees nest to get honey, they just cannot resist reaching into another person’s pocket to take money. This is not because they cannot resist in general—though impulsiveness is a part of psychopathy—but because they do not empathize with, or perhaps even recognize, the other person’s relationship to the money.

Perhaps most significantly, how can the system morally punish those of us who on occasion breach the social contract, sometimes for our own gain and sometimes not, but forgive a whole category of criminals who breach it all the time for their own gain? What would a judge say to a defendant about to be sentenced to prison for 10 years for selling crack after sending a serial killer merely to the hospital to cure his psychopathy? Why would we punish those of us whose social scale is sometimes a little out of whack and forgive those whose scale is permanently frozen on “do it”? Law, in the end, is an imperfect accommodation, and, as this argument goes, the system can much better tolerate some moral slippage with an incorrigible 1% of the population than suffer the significant strategic costs a psychopathy defense would cause in the other 99% of cases.

This debate, robust in the academy, has not yet gained the attention of the law, which, with a few tangential and relatively recent exceptions, continues to ignore the psychopath. Psychopathy is not thought of as potentially excusing, and the psychopath’s outrages are mixed in with ordinary, non-psychopathic violations of the social norm. Just as it grossly distorts our recidivism statistics, psychopathy grossly distorts our sense of the extent to which our fellow man is willing to be antisocial. Psychopathy dumbs down the moral integrity of us all, precisely because we do not recognize that so many serious violations are being committed by so few.

The four exceptions to the law’s blind eye to psychopathy—habitual criminal laws, indeterminate sentencing for sex offenders, registration of sex offenders, and special laws on violent sexual predators—are not so much exceptions as coincidences. All these doctrines, to be sure, have a disproportionate impact on psychopaths because psychopaths disproportionately recidivate and disproportionately commit sex crimes. But they are not specifically targeted at psychopaths.

Interestingly, the English have historically treated psychopathy more openly, at least theoretically. For example, English psychopaths who are getting treatment, either as hospital outpatients or as individual psychiatric patients, are specifically excused from jury duty.⁸¹ And although the English have been no more willing than anyone else to consider psychopathy as a defense to criminal responsibility, they have, since at least 1983, specifically included psychopathy in the definition of the kind of mental disorder that could be the basis of civil commitment,⁸² although that express recognition was dropped in 2007.⁸³ Unlike the Americans, whose sexually violent predator statutes were specifically designed to be a continuing complement to the criminal process as defendants are about to be released from prison, the main English commitment statute, at least as it is now being implemented by judges and prosecutors, is generally an alternative to criminal prosecution.⁸⁴ From the period 1997 through 2007, England committed an average of approximately 26,000 people per year.⁸⁵ By comparison, roughly one-tenth that number of sex offenders—2,600—were civilly committed in all of the United States in 2006.⁸⁶ Despite this aggressive English policy of civil commitment generally, and a theoretically more open attitude about psychopathy, the two seem not to have come together. That is, psychopaths in England are not being targeted for civil commitment; they get into the system just like all others do—by committing crimes and then getting diverted to civil commitment.

In any event, it seems problematic at best, and arguably immoral, for any government to hold psychopaths under some claimed medical regimen until their disorder is treated, when the widely held view has been that there is no effective treatment.⁸⁷ In the end, both the American and English systems seem to have finessed this moral dilemma in slightly different ways. American law has continued to ignore psychopathy, creating the over- and underinclusive category of sexually violent predator to allow the commitment at least of some sexual psychopaths, even after their criminal sentences are completed. The English have been more direct in defining psychopathy as a stand-alone mental condition justifying commitment, but then have backed off as a practical matter in actually committing psychopaths qua psychopaths under their laws.

II. MODERN CLINICAL DEFINITIONS

Despite psychiatry’s continued formal resistance, psychopathy researchers today publish hundreds of articles each year using Hare’s clinical definition of a psychopath. Hare’s assessment includes both the affective and behavioral factors. To qualify as a psychopath under the Hare standards, a subject must exhibit a sufficient number of the Factor 1 and Factor 2 criteria. Those criteria are shown in Table 1.

The Hare instrument requires the clinician to give a score on each of these criteria of 0 (item does not fit), 1 (item fits somewhat) or 2 (item definitely fits). Thus, the minimum score is zero and the maximum 40. Hare himself defined psychopathy as a score of 30 or more, which will exclude most individuals with ASPD unless the subject also exhibits a number of interpersonal and affective traits. Typical group studies break down the Hare scores into the low (20 and below), moderate (21–29) and high (30 and above) ranges. Studies also examine whether the different models of psychopathy⁸⁸ are related to forensic issues (that is, risk assessment) and neurobiology.

Like all diagnostic criteria for mental disorders, the devil is in the details of the clinical evaluation and in the training of the examining clinicians. Examiners do not ask subjects conclusory questions like, “Are you glib and superficial?” Instead, they ask a series of questions designed to measure glibness and superficiality. The typical Hare evaluation takes between two and six hours, over one or two separate interviews. In addition to this interview time, several of the criteria are established by researching records of the subject’s criminal and incarceration history. The Factor 1, or affective criteria, have been widely documented and analyzed in the context of other mental disorders, but the Factor 2 criteria—the behavioral criteria—warrant further discussion.

It is extremely common for psychopaths to need virtually constant stimulation. They rarely if ever can sit and read, or even sit and watch television. As one might imagine, such a trait does not mix well with the tedium of prison. If things are not happening around them, psychopaths often will make them happen. Their need for stimulation and their impulsivity drive many of the other Factor 2 criteria, including their sexual promiscuity, their inordinate number of marriages, and even their criminal versatility. They are quickly bored with this week’s lover, wife, and type of crime; they move impulsively on to the next, with little appreciation of the meaning of commitment.

Psychopaths are notoriously parasitic. One incarcerated psychopath reported to our investigators that his mom and dad were always supportive, always ready to help him out and always had some money around that he could borrow. But in fact there was a letter in the inmate’s file from his father asking the Department of Corrections to prohibit his son from contacting them. The letter explained that the family, with agony, had decided on this course after 20 years of being deceived and manipulated by their son. They decided they no longer wanted him in their lives. When confronted with this fact, the psychopath laughed and said, “Mom and Dad always say that, but they always give in.”

Anger is never far from the surface in the psychopath. A perplexing aspect of that anger, particularly to the victims, is that the aggression is often over trivialities. A common answer to why a psychopath got so angry over something so insignificant is, “I don’t know, it just pushed my button.”

Psychopathy does not show up unannounced at the door of adulthood. There are always early signs of it, which is why the Factor 2 list includes early behavioral problems and juvenile delinquency among its diagnostic criteria. The typical incarcerated psychopath has a long criminal career stretching back into the juvenile courts, often with serious and violent juvenile adjudications.

Recidivism statistics are discussed at length below,⁹² but a short vignette may put a more personal touch on the numbers. When the scientist-author was at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, he and his fellow graduate students worked with psychopathic prisoners. One of the prisoner-psychopaths constantly walked around with a car mechanics book under his arm and constantly talked about how he was planning to go to a car mechanics school in the interior of British Columbia when he was released. Coincidentally, on the very morning this man was released, the scientist-author was driving to the prison and saw him, still carrying his car repair manual under his arm, on his way to the bus stop. There were two buses waiting outside the prison—one headed east to his car mechanics school and the other headed west to Vancouver. He looked at both buses, then casually dropped his car repair book in the trash and jumped on the bus to Vancouver. Two weeks later, the scientist-author was doing his rounds at the prison recruiting new volunteers for research when he came across the same inmate. When asked why he was back in prison so quickly, the inmate laughed and said, “Best two weeks of my life.” He had, on the very day of his release, robbed several banks and used the proceeds to rent a penthouse in downtown Vancouver, cavort with prostitutes and buy front row tickets to home hockey games of the Vancouver Canucks. When asked why he did not go to the mechanics school, he looked perplexed and said, comically, “What fun would that be?”

Since Hare’s early grouping of the criteria for psychopathy into just two Factors, other researchers, using a statistical technique called Item Response Theory Analysis, have discovered that there may be utility in further breaking down the two factors into three or four “facets.”⁹³ Researchers are also beginning to develop models that do not assume a given criterion is independent from other criteria, and that instead recognize that having, say, criminal versatility and being a pathological liar may have a multiplying effect, rather than just an additive effect, on the probability of being a psychopath.⁹⁴ Still, the original PCL-R and its relatives remain the gold standard for diagnosing psychopathy, although these multifactor and nonlinear approaches may end up being even better.

Hare’s approach is not without its critics.⁹⁵ In addition to continuing skepticism about the clinical reliability of diagnosing and scoring the affective factors, some critics have reprised the whole historical controversy about whether psychopathy is a mental condition or merely a forensic wolf in psychiatric clothing.⁹⁶ There are also concerns about the predictive ability of the PCL-R in youth and therefore about the propriety of the criminal justice system branding people, especially juveniles, as psychopaths.⁹⁷

Consequently, we need to move cautiously, but we still need to move. The Hare instruments are reliable enough to be used to identify the most severe psychopaths in the system, both to manage them appropriately and insure that treatment efforts are guided by the best possible practices.⁹⁸ For example, there is some evidence that traditional group therapy makes psychopaths worse. Since group therapy is so common in prison settings, it will be critical for prison officials to be able to distinguish non-psychopaths, for whom such treatment might be effective, from psychopaths, for whom it might be contraindicated.⁹⁹ Even more importantly, the instruments should be used to identify youths with psychopathic tendencies who may be amenable to the treatments discussed in Part V below.

III. THE IMPACT OF PSYCHOPATHY ON THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM

The psychopath has had and continues to have a grossly disproportionate impact at virtually every point in the criminal justice system. Though psychopaths make up roughly 1% of the general male adult population, they make up between 15% and 25% of the males incarcerated in North American prison systems.¹⁰⁰ That is, psychopaths are 15 to 25 times more likely to commit crimes that land them in prison than non-psychopaths. There is no other variable that is more highly correlated to being in prison than psychopathy. Substance abuse, for example, on which our corrections systems have spent untold trillions, is a distant second. Although between 65% and 85% of people in prison have or had substance abuse problems, 8% of the U.S. population at large suffers from substance abuse.¹⁰¹ Thus, having a substance abuse problem makes it only around nine times more likely that a person will be in prison, compared to psychopathy’s correlation of between 15 and 25 times more likely.

When one looks at violent crimes as opposed to any crime landing a person in prison, psychopathy continues to be impressively predictive. Sixty-two percent of the general male prison population is made up of violent offenders, but 78% of imprisoned psychopaths are there because of a violent offense.¹⁰³ Another chilling statistic: one study found that more than 50% of all police officers killed in the line of duty are killed by psychopaths.¹⁰⁴ And although psychopaths and non-psychopaths alike tend to decrease their criminal activity as they get older, this age-related decrease does not appear to apply to psychopaths who commit violent acts, including sexual violence. For psychopaths, their propensity to engage in sexual and nonsexual violence seems to decrease very little with age.¹⁰⁵

The correlation between high scores on the Hare scale and prison exists even at scores well below the arbitrary cutoff of 30. All prisoners, psychopathic and not, tend to have much higher scores on the Hare scale than non-incarcerated males, which is not surprising given the tautological nature of some of the Factor 2 criteria. The general nonprison population scores a median of 6.6 on the Hare scale, while the average score by a North American inmate is 22.1.¹⁰⁶ And it is not the case that large numbers of prisoners at the high end are skewing that average; psychopathy scores are normally distributed.

After a psychopath has been sentenced to prison but before the adult system labels him incorrigible, data suggests that he is more likely to be released early than his non-psychopathic cohorts despite a typically long and uninterrupted juvenile record. In a study published in January 2009, Stephen Porter and his colleagues examined the files of 310 male offenders serving at least two years in a Canadian prison between 1995 and 1997.¹⁰⁷ Ninety were determined, retrospectively, to be psychopaths.¹⁰⁸ Porter found that the psychopaths were roughly 2.5 times more likely to be conditionally released than non-psychopaths.¹⁰⁹ Psychopathy was only a slightly less-effective predictor of the early release of sex offenders, psychopathic sex offenders being released 2.43 times more frequently than non-psychopathic sex offenders.¹¹⁰ Porter suggests these results may be because the psychopath is able to use his finely honed skills of deception and manipulation to convince prison officials to release him early.¹¹¹ It seems prison mental health experts and parole boards are no less immune than the rest of us to being fooled by the psychopath’s mask of sanity.

A. Recidivism

Once released, psychopaths are much more likely to recidivate than non-psychopaths. Canadian studies have been most instructive on this issue because the Canadian federal government keeps national recidivism statistics. In a 1988 study, Canadian researchers identified a group of 231 prisoners about to be released, gave them all clinical assessments for psychopathy using the Hare instrument, divided them into low, moderate and high categories of psychopathy based on their Hare score, and then followed them for three years.¹¹² After only nine months, more than half the high psychopaths had not only been rearrested but reconvicted, as seen in Figure 3. By the end of three years, the individuals with high psychopathy scores bottomed out at approximately an 80% recidivism rate. By comparison, only approximately 15% of the individuals low on psychopathic traits had been reconvicted at the nine-month mark, and only approximately 30% had been reconvicted at the end of the three years.

Recidivism Among Psychopaths¹¹³

The recidivism patterns are similar if we look only at violent recidivism (Figure 4) or, even more narrowly, violent sexual recidivism (Figure 5). Both of these sets of data come from Rice and Harris’ 1997 retrospective study of 288 convicted sex offenders, covering 20 years of violence and 10 years of sexual violence.¹¹⁴ Notice that even within the very first year after release a whopping 25% of all individuals scoring high in psychopathy were rearrested for a new violent offense, and that after seven years only 25% had not been rearrested for a new violent offense. By the study’s 20-year end, individuals high in psychopathy had a violent recidivism rate of 90%, compared with 40% for individuals scoring low in psychopathy (as shown in Figure 4).

Violent Recidivism Among Psychopaths¹¹⁵

Violent Sexual Recidivism Among Psychopaths¹¹⁶

The picture is almost as bad for violent sexual recidivism. Psychopathy is a significant predictor of sexual violence. Rice and Harris found that 75% of all individuals with both a high Hare score and a positive sexual deviance response—defined as a positive penile pleithismograph response to depictions of children, rape cues, or nonsexual violence—committed a new sexually violent crime within 10 years (as shown in Figure 5).

Psychopathic traits in youths have also been shown to predict high recidivism. Figure 6 shows the results from a study by Vincent et al., demonstrating that youth who have both callous-unemotional traits and impulsive traits are at a higher risk for being convicted of a new violent crime.

Violent Recidivism Juvenile Offenders¹¹⁸

The bottom line is that psychopaths, who represent roughly 20% of the prison population, recidivate at massively higher rates, and more quickly, than the other 80%. The average psychopath is back and forth to prison three times before the average non-psychopath with the same sentence makes it back once.¹¹⁹ The average incarcerated psychopath has been convicted of committing four violent offenses before age 40. While the typical non-psychopathic felon may ponder and struggle with life on the outside and with changing his criminal ways, the typical psychopath returns to his life of crime, and often violent and sexual crime, in the same way he does everything—impulsively, selfishly and without any regard to the rights of others, rights he does not even notice.

B. The Costs of Recidivism by Psychopaths

Many of the following statistics will be familiar to readers steeped in the public policy of crime control; they are visited here in an attempt to tease out the costs associated only with psychopathy. One oft-cited study estimates that crime’s overall cost to U.S. society—in direct economic costs such as lost property, and in indirect costs for police, courts, prosecutors, public defenders, jurors and, most significantly, jails and prisons—is on the order of $2.3 trillion per year in 2009 dollars.¹²¹ If we assume 20% of the males in prison are psychopaths and that a similar percentage is involved in nonfelony offenses, and if we ignore the relatively small contributions of women offenders to this overall number, psychopaths alone are responsible for approximately $460 billion per year in criminal social costs.¹²² Note that this $460 billion number does not include the costs of the psychopath’s similar overrepresentation in psychiatric hospitals. Nor does it include indirect costs such as treatment for victims and their nonquantifiable emotional suffering because Anderson’s original number did not include these types of costs.

How do the social costs of other conditions high in the public consciousness compare with the criminal costs of psychopathy? They all pale in comparison. The annual societal cost of alcohol-substance abuse is estimated to be $329 billion,¹²³ obesity $200 billion,¹²⁴ smoking $172 billion,¹²⁵ and schizophrenia $76 billion.¹²⁶ And each of these numbers, unlike our $460 billion for psychopathy, include other institutional costs besides the criminal justice system, primarily hospitalization and treatment, though none includes any costs suffered by the victims.

Given the grossly disproportionate contribution that psychopaths make to the exploding costs of our criminal justice and correctional systems, one might expect that criminologists and corrections officials would be very interested in reducing the recidivism of psychopaths. Alas, psychopath being a synonym for incorrigible, psychopaths have been not been the objects of sustained treatment efforts either in or out of prison. Given the neuroscience and therapeutic discoveries discussed in the next two sections, perhaps this neglect may soon come to an end.

IV. THE NEUROSCIENCE OF PSYCHOPATHY

Psychopathy has been just as elusive to neuroscientists as to everyone else, and for the same reasons. Much work has been done identifying the neurobiology of violence, showing a strong genetic component¹²⁷ as well as a robust interaction between early childhood trauma to the frontal lobes and the emotional effects of abuse.¹²⁸ But of course violence is much too large a behavioral slice to get at psychopathy. As one neuroscientist writing about psychopathy has said:

When we attempt to focus on the psychopath, we find various difficulties. Most large-scale studies are based on behaviors (childhood aggression, criminal arrests, etc.) with only rare reference to the specific diagnosis of the violent subjects. This point is crucial, as the majority of aggressive individuals or even convicted criminals are not psychopaths, even though committing criminal acts is needed to fulfill definitions for either antisocial personality disorder or psychopathy.¹²⁹

Psychopaths’ lack of moral cognition, as well as the studies showing trauma to the frontal regions being associated with aggression, led early researchers to surmise that psychopathy may be rooted in defects to the frontal cortex, areas generally associated with higher order functions like reasoning and executive control. For example, Antonio Damasio and his colleagues published anecdotal cases of lesions to the inferior and medial surfaces of the frontal lobes that produced apparent psychopathic behaviors. Adrian Raine and his colleagues showed by structural MRI that at least unsuccessful psychopaths—those who get caught—have reduced gray matter, fewer neurons, and increased white matter (that is, more connections between neurons) in the frontal lobes. The reduced gray matter suggests damage causing neural atrophy, and the increased white matter is consistent with some kind of defect in the pruning away of white matter that ordinarily happens in the development of the growing brain.

But even as late as the 1990s, the neurological hallmarks of psychopathy remained unclear, and there were no hallmarks that came close to being reliable enough to be diagnostic. Moreover, the hypothesis that psychopathy was generally a reflection of reduced frontal lobe activity seemed to conflict with a long-standing series of studies that began in the 1940s showing that psychopaths in fact have greater than normal frontal EEG signals, both waking and sleeping.¹³² It took the use of fMRI to begin to unlock the neurological mysteries of psychopathy because the way in which the brain of the psychopath interacts with other humans beings, or actually fails to interact, is psychopathy’s essential feature. Static images of brain morphology tell only the tiniest part of the story. Seeing brains functioning as they navigate social problems has shown us, with remarkable reliability, that psychopathic brains cannot navigate those problems.

Functional MRI or fMRI is a technique that was developed in the early 1990s by Kwong et al. It detects and then maps changes in blood oxygenation in the brain. Like muscles, neurons consume oxygen when they are working. The MRI can be tuned to locate regions in the brain where oxygen is being recruited. In a typical fMRI study, researchers present subjects with stimuli—videos, pictures, sounds or words—while the subjects are lying in the MRI scanner. The regions of the brain that are engaged with processing the given stimuli are mapped, and brains faced with the stimuli are compared with brains at a resting state. FMRI involves many technical and statistical processes, and significant training is required to understand its strengths, weaknesses and limitations. Nevertheless, fMRI provides an unprecedented opportunity to study clinical disorders in general and psychopathy in particular.

In 2001, the first study to use fMRI to study the brains of criminal psychopaths was published; this study is discussed in detail below.¹³⁴ But this and other fMRI studies were hobbled to some extent by small sample sizes. It is difficult to find psychopaths and expensive and time-consuming to administer the Hare instruments to them. Statistically, one of the best places to find psychopaths is in prisons. But prisons typically have no MRI equipment, so early investigators had to transport psychopathic prisoners to and from prisons to local hospitals. The logistics, cost, and security issues associated with such arrangements kept the subject numbers on these studies low.

In 2007, with grants from the National Institute on Drug Abuse, the National Institute of Mental Health, the United States Department of Energy and the State of New Mexico, the scientist-author designed and purchased the first-ever mobile fMRI system. In collaboration with the New Mexico Corrections Department that equipment is brought to the prisoners rather than the other way around. In the first three years of deployment, more than 1,100 inmates volunteered to participate in fMRI studies. This collection of brain scans is the largest forensic brain imaging database in the world.

The fMRI data shows a robust and persistent pattern of abnormal brain function in psychopaths: namely, decreased neural activity in the paralimbic regions of the brain. These are the regions generally below the neocortex, including and adjacent to the limbic structures, as shown in Figure 7.

The Paralimbic System¹³⁵

The paralimbic regions form a kind of girdle surrounding the medial and basal aspects of the two hemispheres. They contain many important structures, including the anterior temporal cortex, ventromedial prefrontal cortex, amygdala, insula, temporal pole and cingulate, many of which are associated with moral reasoning, affective memory and inhibition, exactly the kinds of puzzle pieces one would expect might be involved in psychopathy.¹³⁶ The fMRI experiments were aimed at exploring these and other affective and cognitive processes as they relate to psychopathy.

In the moral reasoning task, 72 incarcerated subjects, of whom 16 were psychopaths with Hare scores of 30 or greater, were shown a series of pictures and asked to rate them on a scale of 1 to 5 for moral violation, 1 being no moral violation and 5 being severe moral violation.¹³⁷ Some pictures had obvious moral content, such as a KKK cross burning, others were ambiguous, and still others had no moral content at all. Behaviorally there was no significant difference between the ability of psychopaths and non-psychopaths to recognize the moral content of these scenarios.¹³⁸ But the neurological story was very different. Compared with non-psychopaths, psychopaths showed decreased activation in the right posterior temporal cortex and increased activation in the amygdala, two areas well known to be associated with moral reasoning.¹³⁹ See Figure 8.¹⁴⁰

Moral Decision Making in Psychopaths¹⁴³

A simple word recognition test was used for the affective memory study.¹⁴¹ Participants were shown a series of 10 words for two seconds each and asked to try to remember as many as possible. They then were shown additional lists of words and asked whether the additional words were on the original memorized list. Different word lists are presented over the course of the study. Some of the words on the lists were negative in affective content (words including misery, blood, frown, scar, wreck) and some neutral (words including gallon, oat, brass, card). It is well established that unimpaired people are better at remembering words that have an emotional content than they are at remembering words with no emotional content. Researchers have also known for some time that psychopaths remember emotional words just as well as non-psychopaths do, even though it takes psychopaths longer to recognize the emotional content of the words.¹⁴² That is, to the extent short-term memory is some measure of whether the affective content of words is actually getting into the brains of psychopaths, it appears the answer is yes. But this study showed those memories seem to take a very different path in psychopathic brains than they do in non-psychopathic brains.

Prisoner-psychopaths showed greatly reduced activations in the amygdala and posterior cingulate, somewhat reduced activations in the ventral striatum and anterior cingulate, and greatly increased activation in the frontal gyrus. That is, they showed reduced activity in paralimbic regions—amygdala, anterior and posterior cingulate—and increased activity in the lateral frontal cortex, an area typically associated with cognition, not emotion. See Figure 9.

The fMRI of an Affective Memory Task in Criminal Pyschopaths

The figure shows the rendering of the neural areas in which criminal psychopaths showed significantly less affect-related activity than noncriminal control subjects for the comparison of affective words versus neutral words of an affective memory task.¹⁴⁴ Regions include (top left) posterior cingulate, caudal and rostral anterior cingulate, and ventral striatum (top right), right amygdala-hippocampus. Also shown are the regions in which criminal psychopaths showed greater affect-related activity than noncriminal control subjects and criminal non-psychopaths (bottom panels; depicted in gray scale; see Kiehl et al., Limbic Abnormalities, for a color reproduction of the figure). These regions include bilateral inferior frontal gyrus.¹⁴⁵

To study inhibition, we used a common “go-no-go” paradigm. Subjects are shown one of two letters in rapid succession (50 ms), in this case ether an “X” or a “K,” and instructed to press a button every time an “X” appears, but not to press the button when a “K” appears. When a subject correctly inhibits a response to the “K” stimulus, it is called response inhibition. It is well known that psychopaths perform significantly worse than non-psychopaths in the go-no-go task; that is, psychopaths are much less likely to inhibit their responses when the “K” shows up. This inability may explain the psychopath’s poor behavioral controls, nomadicity, and generally impulsive lifestyle.

In turns out that the regions of the brain involved in inhibition overlap the paralimbic regions, primarily the anterior and posterior cingulate. The go-no-go task was administered in the mobile scanner, looking for brain differences that might explain the psychopath’s reduced response inhibition. Both adults and juveniles high in psychopathic traits exhibited dramatically decreased activity in these inhibitory regions.¹⁴⁷ See Figure 10.

The fMRI Results for Response Inhibition Task¹⁴⁸

Putting these results together begins to paint a picture of the psychopathic brain as being markedly deficient in neural areas critical for three aspects of moral judgment: 1) the ability to recognize moral issues; 2) the ability to inhibit a response pending resolution of the moral issue; and 3) the ability to reach a decision about the moral issue. Along with several other researchers,¹⁴⁹ we have demonstrated that each of these tasks recruits areas in the paralimbic system, and that those precise areas are the ones in which psychopaths have markedly reduced neural activity compared with non-psychopaths.

What does all this mean? First, it suggests that the story of psychopathy is largely limbic and paralimbic rather than prefrontal.¹⁵⁰ This dovetails nicely with the central paradox of the psychopath: he is completely rational but morally insane. He is missing the moral core, a core that appears intimately involved with the paralimbic regions. If the key to psychopathy lies in these lower regions, then it is no mystery that the psychopath is able to recruit his higher functions to navigate the world. In fact, when he gives a moral response, it seems the psychopath must recruit frontal areas to mimic his dysfunctional paralimbic areas. That is, the psychopath must think about right and wrong while the rest of us feel it. He knows morality’s words but not its music.

Second, these neurological results should go a long way toward ending the debate about whether psychopathy is just too difficult to diagnose to justify inclusion in the DSM. Any lingering doubts about the clinical reliability of the Hare instruments disappear now that those instruments have been shown to be robustly predictive of a demonstrable neurological condition.

Third, and perhaps more significantly, these imaging techniques may help us identify and then understand the development of psychopathic traits in juveniles. It is difficult, and controversial, to assess psychopathic traits in young people. No one wants the label psychopath to become self-fulfilling, especially given the hopeful treatment possibilities discussed in Part V. Brain imaging may help us improve our understanding of the developmental trajectories of these traits in ways that might improve treatment.

Still, caution is in order. Neuroimaging has its own embedded limitations, making the reliability of conclusions based on imaging data a complex and still developing story.¹⁵¹ Those conclusions about psychopathy are especially preliminary, given the still relatively small numbers of scanned psychopaths, and questions remain about the specificity of these apparent paralimbic defects, their origins, their stability over lifespan, and their diagnostic utility.

One also might argue that these results support the position that psychopathy should be an excusing condition.¹⁵² But this debate is not really an empirical one. We have known forever that psychopaths are rational yet persistently immoral. The results of the neuroimaging study confirm that, but the studies cannot answer the policy question of whether the psychopath’s lack of moral recognition machinery is the kind of disorder that should be excused.

V. THE TREATMENT OF PSYCHOPATHY

The received dogma has been that psychopathy is untreatable, based on study after study that seemed to show that the behaviors of psychopaths could not be improved by any traditional, or even nontraditional, forms of therapy. Nothing seems to have worked—psychoanalysis, group therapy, client-centered therapy, psychodrama, psychosurgery, electroshock therapy or drug therapy¹⁵³—creating a largely unshakable belief among most clinicians and academics, and certainly among lay people, that psychopathy is untreatable, though as we will discuss below few if any of these studies were properly controlled and designed.

Most talking therapies, at least, are aimed at patients who know, at one level or another, that they need help. Psychotherapy normally requires patients to participate actively in their own recovery. But psychopaths are not distressed; they typically do not feel they have any psychological or emotional problems, and are not only generally satisfied with themselves but see themselves as superior beings in a world of inferior ones. Clinicians report that psychopaths go through the therapeutic motions and are incapable of the emotional insights on which most talking therapy depends. As one psychotherapist wrote, his psychopaths in treatment “have no desire to change, … have no concept of the future, resent all authorities (including therapists), view the patient role as … being in a position of inferiority, and deem therapy a joke and therapists as objects to be conned, threatened, seduced, or used.”¹⁵⁴ More direct forms of therapy—surgery, electroshock, drugs—are shots in the dark. No one yet knows how to restore the paralimbic functions that seem so impaired in psychopathy.

Treatment not only seems not to work, there is evidence that some kinds of treatment make matters worse. In a famous 1991 study of incarcerated psychopaths about to be released from a therapeutic community, those who received group therapy actually had a higher violent recidivism rate than those who were not treated at all.¹⁵⁵ One explanation is that being exposed to the frailties of normal people in group therapeutic settings gives psychopaths a stock of information that makes them better at manipulating those normal people. As one psychopath put it, “These programs are like a finishing school. They teach you how to put the squeeze on people.”¹⁵⁶ Group therapy is also, of course, an endless source of excuses—my parents didn’t love me, I was abused, my wife left me, I am numb and empty inside, I am useless—none of which the psychopath actually feels but all of which he can use to his tactical advantage at the right moments, especially when trying to manipulate mental health professionals.

But all treatment hope for psychopaths is not lost. Like many mental health treatment efforts, prior efforts to treat psychopaths, as well intentioned and numerous as they have been, have almost never been designed to meet acceptable scientific and methodological standards. Indeed, most treatment “data” has been little more than an amalgamation of clinical anecdotes, and most of the large efforts that have been attempted have been poorly designed and controlled. Even the better studies typically involved moderate rather than intense treatment, and over relatively short durations. And of course one of the self-defeating aspects of these studies is that the psychopaths themselves often become disruptive in therapeutic settings not designed to deal with such levels of disruption. The state of the treatment literature has been described as “appalling.”¹⁵⁷

The good news about all this bad science is that maybe something does, in fact, work. There may be some room for some thoughtful, targeted, well-designed, and controlled treatment efforts—efforts that might even prove effective, especially with juveniles. In a landmark 1998 metastudy focused on the treatment of juveniles with psychopathic tendencies,¹⁵⁸ Mark Lipsey and David Wilson concluded that, although the reported treatment outcomes were not encouraging, pieces of many different studies might be.¹⁵⁹ And although their metastudy did not deal expressly with juveniles, it was clear that large segments of the subjects covered by the studies were in fact juveniles.

Inspired by Lipsey and Wilson, Michael Caldwell and his colleagues at the Mendota Juvenile Treatment Center in Madison, Wisconsin and the University of Wisconsin, reviewed the treatment literature in detail, noticed all of its failings and promises, and decided to design a specific treatment program for psychopathic juvenile offenders. They unashamedly borrowed from a smorgasbord of treatment theories and practices, precise descriptions of which are not important here, except to say that they label their resulting program “decompression treatment.”¹⁶⁰ The bottom line is that the treatment program they designed is intense, requiring several hours per day, long lasting (a minimum of six months and sometimes even exceeding one year), one on one, and focused on the slow and methodical rebuilding of the social connections that are absent in psychopaths.

Early results were encouraging. In a 2001 pilot study of violent juvenile offenders, Caldwell and his colleagues divided 30 of them into three groups of 10—one control group received no therapy, the other control group received traditional group therapy, and one group received Caldwell’s decompression therapy.¹⁶¹ The study followed the juveniles for two years, and the recidivism results were promising: 70% of the control group receiving no treatment was rearrested at least once in the two years, 20% of the group getting traditional group therapy treatment, and only 10% of the group getting Caldwell’s decompression treatment.¹⁶² These results were encouraging on two fronts. First, contrary to the earlier study showing that traditional group treatment of adult psychopaths could make them worse,¹⁶³ Caldwell’s initial results with juveniles showed a significant improvement even with traditional group therapy. Even more encouraging, Caldwell’s decompression therapy was twice as good as the already good traditional therapy. This pilot study suggested that Lipsey and Wilson might be right—that treatment might work if juvenile psychopaths are treated early enough, intensely enough and for long enough. But of course the numbers, though promising, were extremely small.

Caldwell and his colleagues subsequently conducted a larger follow-up study.¹⁶⁴ This time, they followed 248 incarcerated boys, all of whom had been labeled unmanageable, for an average follow-up period of 54 months.¹⁶⁵ Approximately 40 percent (101) received the decompression therapy, 60 percent traditional group therapy.¹⁶⁶ The recidivism results showed a significant decrease for those who got the decompression therapy (56% versus 78%), and this included the category of violent recidivism (18% versus 36%).¹⁶⁷ The results are shown in Figure 11.

Two Year Follow-Up of Youth Treatment Study¹⁷⁰

In the latest published study, Caldwell and his colleagues followed 86 maximum security juvenile offenders in the Mendota center, and again looked at arrest recidivism, this time four years out.¹⁶⁸ The researchers also assessed each subject initially for psychopathy, using the Hare instrument for juvenile psychopaths, the PCL-YV.¹⁶⁹ Over time, the PCL-YV scores were retaken, as was a measure of institutional misconduct called security days (SD), as was rearrest data. All of these quantitative measures were analyzed and correlated. Caldwell and his group reached several conclusions.

First, as expected, the PCL-YV scores were high (mean = 30.2), and were highly correlated both to recidivism and to institutional misconduct. Second, and most importantly, the decompression treatment was highly effective in reducing both institutional misconduct and recidivism, but only if it was lengthy and only—and here is the less promising aspect of the study—for juveniles scoring in the low to moderate ranges of the PCL-YV (≤ 31). The best predictor of reductions in institutional misconduct and recidivism was the length of the decompression treatment. Short-term treatment seemed to have no effect. But long-term treatment, lasting up to and beyond one year, significantly reduced both institutional misconduct and recidivism, at least for the subjects scoring 31 and less on the Hare instruments.

These results are just the first shots across the bow of the conventional wisdom that psychopaths are incorrigible. But they are nevertheless very encouraging, not only because of the poor results of past studies but also because psychopathy is such a big problem that even a small and costly improvement is likely to be cost effective. For example, let us assume, consistent with Caldwell’s most recent results, that decompression treatment works, at least in part, for juvenile psychopaths. In particular, let us assume, conservatively, that the lifetime reduction in recidivism of these treated juvenile psychopaths is only 50%. Finally, let us assume, also extraordinarily conservatively, that only half of all incarcerated juvenile psychopaths come to the attention of the authorities or are otherwise able to receive decompression treatment. These assumptions still yield an estimated annual savings of $115 billion.¹⁷¹

Another way to look at this is on an individual incarcerated person basis, even ignoring the cascading effects of recidivism. In their 2006 study, Caldwell and his colleagues looked at the treatment costs and benefits of the two treatment modalities, not distinguishing between psychopaths and non-psychopaths.¹⁷² Borrowing from Cohen’s data on criminal processing costs, Caldwell and his colleagues used the recidivism data to calculate the recidivism and crime costs in 2001 dollars. They then added in the treatment costs and compared those overall costs—of treatment itself and the savings in reduced recidivism—between the two treatment conditions. The results were dramatic, and are summarized in Table 2.

Table 2

Because the decompression treatment was so much more effective than traditional treatment, and of course because of the high costs of incarceration, the initially high cost of decompression treatment was more than made up for by its effectiveness. On average, even though decompression treatment was more than $7,000 per inmate more expensive than the traditional treatment, in the end its increased effectiveness saved a net of more than $43,000 more per inmate.

The critical public policy fact when discussing the admittedly high costs of treating psychopaths, especially with anything like the Caldwell decompression therapy for juveniles, is the even higher cost of not doing so. Psychopaths will be with us, burning up $460+ billion every year, whether we try to do anything about them or not. We recognize that virtually every government spending proposal is touted as a net benefit, and that in government speak any new tax is now called an “investment.” But with psychopaths it is really true that their enormous drain on the public fisc will continue unabated unless something is done. Even modestly effective and costly treatment will have significant economic benefits.

Figure 12 shows the cost of treating one psychopath depicted as a return on that initial cost over six years, with a treatment using something akin to Caldwell’s decompression therapy and assuming something akin to Caldwell’s results. The performance of the S&P 500 is shown for comparison.

Projected Return on $10,000 Investment in Treatment¹⁷⁴

The psychopath has hidden himself since he emerged with the rest of us 200,000 years ago. His very disconnectedness is his mask. We cannot see him because we assume all humans have the connections that bind us, and because the psychopath’s very lack of those connections allows him to mimic them. He has been lost to psychiatry and the law and continues to be lost in a correctional system that is, on the one hand, loath to label juveniles as psychopaths, yet on the other hand seems content to stand by and watch them graduate into adult psychopaths who spin the revolving prison door at up to 25 times the rate of non-psychopaths.

It is time for the criminal justice system to unmask the psychopath. Not necessarily to treat psychopathy as a potentially excusing condition, but rather to recognize the disproportionate psychopathic population in prison and to educate prison and parole officials so they can make better management and release decisions.

It is also time to recognize that, contrary to conventional wisdom, psychopathic tendencies in juveniles may be amenable to treatment, at least for some part of the juvenile offender population. The etiological mysteries of psychopathy should not obscure the promise that some portion of this terribly costly population may be treatable. Such treatment would not only save taxpayers billions each year, it also would reduce the chances any one of us will become the psychopath’s next victim.

Psychopaths exist, and they exist in large and disproportionate numbers in prison. Ignoring that fact distorts our penalogical outcome measures and, perhaps more importantly, interferes with the way we should be thinking about and managing non-psychopaths in prison. Yes, caution is in order. The science is still new, the neuroimaging still expensive, cumbersome, and not quite diagnostic, and the mask of psychopathy still a little too opaque. The precise manner in which legislatures, judges, and prison officials might begin to address the problem of psychopathy is a complex question, implicating many difficult policy issues. But we cannot begin to address any of those difficult issues until we come to grips with the facts that psychopathy is real, it can be reliably diagnosed, and in the near future might even be treatable in some juveniles.

References

Serial Killer Facts And Statistics

Rehabilitation Statistics For Criminals

This is a list of notable serial killers, by the country where most of the killings occurred.

• 1Convicted serial killers by country
  • 1.71United Kingdom
• 2Unidentified serial killers

Convicted serial killers by country

Afghanistan

• Abdullah Shah: killed at least 20 travelers on the road from Kabul to Jalalabad serving under Zardad Khan; also killed his wife; executed on 20 April 2004.^[1]

Argentina

• Florencio Fernández: also known as 'The Argentine Vampire'; killed 15 women in his hometown of Monteros during the 1950s.
• Cayetano Santos Godino: also known as 'Petiso Orejudo' ('Big Eared Midget'); at 16, killed four children in 1912; died in prison in 1944.^[2]
• Cayetano Domingo Grossi: the first serial killer in Argentine history; Italian immigrant who murdered 5 of his newborn children between 1896 and 1898; executed 1900.^[3]
• Francisco Antonio Laureana: also known as 'The Satyr of San Isidro'; murdered 15 women from 1974 to 1975, raping 13 of them; killed in a shootout with the police in 1975.^[4]
• Yiya Murano: also known as 'The Poisoner of Monserrat', poisoned three women in Buenos Aires in 1979.
• Robledo Puch: also known as 'The Death Angel' and 'The Black Angel'; killed 11 people before his arrest in 1972; sentenced to life imprisonment in 1980.^[5]

Australia

• John Balaban: also known as the 'Romanian Maniac'; Romanian emigrant who murdered at least 5 people in France and Australia from 1948 to 1953, including his wife and her family; executed 1953.^[6]
• David and Catherine Birnie: responsible for the 'Moorhouse Murders'; couple from the suburban Perth area who murdered four women in 1986.^[7]
• Gregory Brazel: Victoria man who shot a woman to death in a 1982 armed robbery, and murdered two prostitutes in 1990.^[8][9]
• John Bunting, Robert Wagner and James Vlassakis: also known as the 'Bodies in the Barrels Murders'; convicted of the Snowtown murders of 12 people between 1992 and 1999.^[10]
• Robert Francis Burns: confessed to eight killings; hanged in Ararat in 1883.^[11]
• Thomas and John Clarke: bushranger brothers who robbed railroad stations; killed five police officers; the Felons Apprehension Act of 1886, which allowed bushrangers to be killed on sight, was created because of them; both hanged 1867.^[12]
• Eric Edgar Cooke: also known as the 'Night Caller'; killed at least 8 people and attempted to kill many more in and around Perth between 1959 and 1963; last person to be hanged in Western Australia.^[13]
• John Leslie Coombes: killed two men in 1984 and one woman in 2009 around the Victoria area.^[14]
• Bandali Debs: convicted of murdering two police officers and two prostitutes in the 1990s.^[15]
• Paul Denyer: also known as the 'Frankston Killer'; murdered three women in 1993 in the Melbourne suburb of Frankston.^[16][17]
• Peter Dupas: serving three life sentences for multiple murder and rape charges in Victoria.^[18]
• Kathleen Folbigg: murdered four of her infants between 1991 and 1999.^[19]
• Leonard Fraser: also known as the 'Rockhampton Rapist'; convicted of killing four women in Rockhampton, Queensland.^[20]
• John Wayne Glover: also known as the 'Granny Killer'; killed six elderly women on Sydney's North Shore; committed suicide in 2005.^[21][22]
• Caroline Grills: also known as 'Auntie Thally'; a serial poisoner of five family members in New South Wales between 1947 and 1953.^[23]
• Paul Steven Haigh: sentenced to life imprisonment without parole for the murders of seven people in Victoria in the late 1970s.^[24]
• Matthew James Harris: strangled a friend's brother, a female friend, and a male neighbor to death over five weeks in 1998 in Wagga Wagga.^[25]
• Thomas Jeffries: Tasmanian penal colony escapee responsible for the murders of five people; executed in 1826.^[26]
• Frances Knorr: also known as the 'Baby Farming Murderess'; English-born baby farmer who killed 3 infants; executed 1894.^[27]
• Eddie Leonski: also known as the 'Brownout Strangler'; United States Army soldier who killed three women in Melbourne; executed in 1942.^{[28][29][30][31]}
• John Lynch: also known as the 'Berrima Axe Murderer'; killed ten people from 1835 to 1841.^[32]
• William MacDonald: also known as the 'Mutilator'; English immigrant who killed at least five men between June 1961 and April 1963 throughout Sydney.^[33]
• John and Sarah Makin: late 19th century baby farmers who killed and buried 12 children at a succession of their homes.^[34]
• Malachi Martin: convicted of killing Jane Macmanamin and suspected of murdering four additional people as well as being implicated in the suspicious death of his mother; hanged at the Adelaide Gaol in 1862.^[35]
• Ivan Milat: killed at least seven tourists in Belanglo State Forest, New South Wales between 1989 and 1993, which became known as the 'Backpacker Murders'; suspected in similar disappearances in Newcastle.^[36]
• Dan Morgan: also known as 'Mad Dog'; violent bushranger who killed three people from 1864 to 1865; killed during a standoff with the Victoria police.^[37]
• Martha Needle: also known as the 'Black Widow of Richmond,' poisoner of four family members and her boyfriend's brother; executed in 1894.^[38]
• Alexander Pearce: Irish convict who escaped with seven other convicts from imprisonment; five of them were killed and cannibalised, leaving Pearce the only one left; hanged 1824.^[39]
• Derek Percy: murdered a child in 1969, but also linked to the deaths of eight other children in the 60s; died in prison from lung cancer.^[40]
• Martha Rendell: killed three stepchildren with hydrochloric acid in 1907-08; last woman to be hanged in Western Australia.^[41]
• Lindsey Robert Rose: New South Wales serial and contract killer who murdered five people between 1984 and 1994.^[42]
• Snowy Rowles: also known as the 'Murchison Murders'; stockman who murdered three people using a method from a then unpublished book of author Arthur Upfield.^[43]
• Arnold Sodeman: also known as the 'School-girl Strangler'; killed four children in Melbourne in the 1930s.^[44]
• John 'Rocky' Whelan: Tasmanianpenal colony escapee responsible for the murders of five people; executed in 1855.^[45]
• Christopher Worrell and James Miller: also known as the 'Truro Murderers'; were convicted of killing seven people in 1976-77.^[46]

Austria

• Elfriede Blauensteiner: also known as the 'Black Widow'; poisoner of three individuals; died in prison in 2003.^[47]
• Max Gufler: poisoned and drowned women; convicted of 4 murders and 2 attempted murders, but believed to have committed 18; died 1996.
• Dariusz Kotwica: also known as the 'Euro Ripper'; Polish vagrant who murdered at least three pensioners in Austria and Sweden in 2015; suspected of more murders in the Netherlands, Czech Republic and the United Kingdom; sentenced to involuntary commitment.^[48]
• Martha Marek: poisoned 3 family members and a lodger in her house with thallium between 1932 and 1937; executed 1938.^[49]
• Wolfgang Ott: sex offender and suspected serial killer who kidnapped several women in 1995, killing two of them; sentenced to life imprisonment in 1996.^[50]
• Harald Sassak: gasworks employee who between 1971 and 1972 killed six people for the purpose of robbery; died from an undisclosed illness in 2013.^[51]
• Hugo Schenk: also known as the 'Viennese Housemaids Killer'; swindler who killed 4 maids in 1883 with his accomplice Karl Schlossarek; suspected of more murders; executed 1884.^[52]
• Jack Unterweger: author and sexual sadist; convicted of 10 murders; believed to have killed 12 women; committed suicide in prison in 1994.^[53]
• Maria Gruber, Irene Leidolf, Stephanija Mayer and Waltraud Wagner: also known as the 'Lainz Angels of Death'; nurses at the Lainz General Hospital in Vienna who admitted to murdering 49 patients between 1983 and 1989.^[54]

The Bahamas

• Cordell Farrington: killed 4 children and his homosexual lover from 2002 to 2003; sentenced to death and later commuted to life imprisonment.^[55]
• Michaiah Shobek: also known as 'The Angels of Lucifer Killer'; American emigrant who murdered three fellow US tourists from 1973 to 1974; executed 1976.^[56]

Bangladesh

• Roshu Kha: enraged over rejection by his lover, Roshu killed at least 11 garment workers in Chandpur District. He pretended to love them, later killing them brutally.^[57]
• Ershad Sikder: career criminal and corrupt politician responsible for the torture-murders of numerous people in the 1990s; convicted on seven counts of murder and executed 2004.^[58]

Belarus

• Ivan Kulesh: drunkard who killed 3 saleswomen between 2013 and 2014 in the Grodno Region; executed 2016.^[59]
• Eduard Lykov: Russian immigrant who killed 5 people in drunken quarrels from 2002 to 2011; executed 2014.^[60]
• Gennady Mikhasevich: police volunteer who investigated his own mission-oriented murders of 36 women between 1971 and 1985; executed in 1987.^[61]
• Igor Mirenkov: known as 'the Svietlahorsk Nightmare'; child killer who murdered six boys from 1990 to 1993; executed in 1996.^[62]
• Sergey Pugachev and Alexander Burdenko: leaders of the 'Polotsk Four'; criminals responsible for killing two girls and two car enthusiasts from 2001 to 2002, as well as numerous robberies with two other accomplices; Pugachev was executed in 2005 and Burdenko is sentenced to life imprisonment.^[63]
• Alexander Sergeychik: killed 6 people from 2000 to 2006 in the Shchuchyn and Grodno Districts; confessed to 12 murders; executed 2007.^[64]

Belgium

• Marie Alexandrine Becker: poisoned at least 11 people with Digitalis; sentenced to life imprisonment; died 1938.
• Jan Caubergh: strangled his pregnant neighbour, his girlfriend and their child in 1979; sentenced to death but it was converted to life imprisonment; was the longest-serving prisoner in the country until his death in 2013.^{[65][66][67][68]}
• Étienne Dedroog: known as the 'Lodgers' Killer'; killed a B&B owner in France and a couple in Belgium from October to November 2011; also suspected of a murder in Spain; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[69]
• Marc Dutroux: convicted of having kidnapped, tortured and sexually abused six girls ranging in age from 8 to 19, during 1995 and 1996. Four of his victims were murdered; the final two were rescued.^[70]
• Staf Van Eyken: also known as the 'Vampire of Muizen'; raped and strangled 3 women from 1971 to 1972 in Muizen and Bonheiden; sentenced to death, commuted to life imprisonment.^[71]
• Renaud Hardy: also known as the 'Parkinson's Murderer'; murdered between 2 and 3 women in the Flemish Community from 2009 to 2015; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[72]
• Ronald Janssen: killed a woman in 2007 and later his neighbour and her boyfriend in 2010 in Flemish Brabant; admitted to 5 rapes committed in 1993, but is suspected of 20; sentenced to life imprisonment in 2011.^[73][74]
• Marie-Thérèse Joniaux: poisoned three of her family members between 1894 and 1895; sentenced to death in 1895, but was commuted to life imprisonment; died in Antwerp in 1923.^[75]
• András Pándy: also known as 'Vader Blauwbaard' (Father Bluebeard); Hungarian immigrant convicted of the murder and rape of his two wives and four children in Brussels between 1986 and 1990 with the aid of his daughter, Ágnes Pándy; died in prison in 2013.^[76]
• Nestor Pirotte: also known as the 'Crazy Killer'; considered one of the worst Belgian criminals, responsible for the murders of up to 7 people from 1954 to 1981, including his great-aunt; died from a heart attack in 2000.^[77]

Bolivia

• Ramiro Artieda: killed his brother in the early 1920s for monetary purposes; emigrated to the United States but later returned and killed seven women until 1938; was arrested in 1939, confessed and was executed by firing squad.^[78]

Brazil

• José Augusto do Amaral: also known as 'Preto Amaral'; first documented Brazilian serial killer; suspected of murdering and then raping the corpses of 3 young men in São Paulo in 1926; died from tuberculosis while imprisoned before he could be put on trial.^[79]
• Marcelo Costa de Andrade: also known as 'The Vampire of Niterói'; raped and killed 14 children.
• Marcelo de Jesus Silva: also known as 'Chucky'; dwarf man convicted of 20 counts of murder, robbery, drug trafficking and death squad.
• José Paz Bezerra: also known as 'The Morumbi Monster'; sexually violated, tortured and murdered more than 20 women in São Paulo and Pará during the 1960s and 1970s; sentenced to 30 years imprisonment and released in 2001.^[80]
• Febrônio Índio do Brasil: delusional religious maniac and habitual criminal who murdered at least 6 people from 1925 to 1927, mostly young boys and teens; acquitted by reason of insanity and sent to a mental institution, in which he died in 1989 from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.^[81]
• Abraão José Bueno: Rio de Janeiro nurse who killed four child patients; sentenced to 110 years imprisonment in 2005.^[82]
• Francisco das Chagas Rodrigues de Brito: pedophile who sexually abused, murdered and mutilated between 30 and 42 young boys from 1989 to 2003 in Maranhão and Pará; sentenced to 217 years imprisonment.^[83]
• Pedro Rosa da Conceição: Brazilian mass murderer who killed three people and wounded thirteen others on April 22, 1904. Killed his cellmate and a guard in 1911, and is said to have murdered a family of twelve people in an unspecified date and year. Died in 1919.
• Pedro Rodrigues Filho: also known as 'Pedrinho Matador'; convicted and sentenced to 128 years imprisonment for 70 murders; however, the maximum one can serve in Brazil is 30 years; claimed to have killed more than 100 victims, including 40 prison inmates.^[84]
• Roneys Fon Firmino Gomes: known as the 'Tower Maniac'; murdered at least six prostitutes in the city of Maringá between 2005 and 2015, disposing of their bodies under electric towers; sentenced to 21 years imprisonment.^[85]
• Francisco de Assis Pereira: rapist and serial killer, known as 'O Maníaco do Parque' (The Park Maniac); arrested for the torture, rape and death of 11 women and for assaulting nine in a park in São Paulo during the 1990s.^[86]
• Tiago Henrique Gomes da Rocha: security guard who has claimed to have killed 39 people in the state of Goiás.^[87]
• Edson Izidoro Guimarães: nurse who killed four patients in the Rio de Janeiro neighborhood of Méier; suspected of 131 deaths in total.^[88]
• José Vicente Matias: also known as 'Corumbá'; former artisan who raped, murdered and dismembered 6 women between 1999 and 2005, cannibalizing one of them; sentenced to 23 years imprisonment.^[89]
• Florisvaldo de Oliveira: also known as 'Cabo Bruno'; former officer accused of more than 50 murders on the outskirts of São Paulo in 1982; murdered by unknown assailants in 2012.^[90]
• Diogo Figueira da Rocha: also known as 'Dioguinho'; career criminal responsible for at least 50 murders between 1894 and 1897 around São Paulo; supposedly killed in a shootout with the police in 1897.^[91]
• Orlando Sabino: also known as the 'Monster of Capinópolis'; suspected of murdering 12 people in several municipalities around Minas Gerais and Goiás; died from a heart attack in 2013.^[92]
• Anísio Ferreira de Sousa: gynaecologist from Altamira who was convicted of the murder of three children but linked to the disappearance of a total of 19.^[93]
• Jorge Luiz Thais Martins: former Military Firefighters Corps colonel who killed 9 drug addicts from August 2010 and January 2011 to avenge the death of his son.^[94]
• Marcos Antunes Trigueiro: known as 'The Industrial Maniac'; former taxi driver who killed 5 women from 2009 to 2010 in Contagem and Belo Horizonte.

Burundi

• Ivomoku Bakusuba: confessed to having killed over 67 children. Committed suicide, 'probably in the late 1940s, or in the early 1950s'.

Bulgaria

• Hristo Georgiev: also known as 'The Sadist'; former militiaman who murdered 4 women and one man in Sofia from 1974 to 1980; executed 1980.^[95]
• Sokrat Kirshveng: also known as 'The Killer with the Adze'; murdered two of his lovers in 1919, for which he was sentenced to death; commuted to 17 years imprisonment, and upon release in 1937, murdered his aunt and uncle-in-law; executed 1937.^[96]
• Lenko Latkov: murdered 3 elderly women in Haskovo Province from 1999 to 2000 and raped two children; suspected in another 3 killings in Plovdiv Province; murdered by his cellmate in 2003.^[97]
• Mihail Leshtarski: also known as 'The Killer from the Cave'; habitual thief who lived in the mountains, suspected of murdering at least 5 elderly pensioners from 2009 to 2011; convicted of one murder and sentenced to life imprisonment.^[98]
• Ludwig Tolumov and Ivan Serafimov: also known as 'The Sour and The Sweet'; criminal duo jointly responsible for 3 murders from May to July 2000; Serafimov, solely responsible for a 1996 murder, was later murdered by Tolumov, who was himself arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment.^[99]

Canada

• Gerald Thomas Archer: known as 'the London Chambermaid Slayer'; killed 3 female hotel employees in his hometown of London, Ontario; died of a heart attack in 1995.^[100][101]
• Paul Bernardo: also known as 'the Scarborough Rapist'; a Toronto serial rapist who killed three teenage girls (including his wife's sister) with the aid of his wife Karla Homolka.^[102]
• Wayne Boden: also known as 'the Vampire Rapist' killed 4 women between 1968 and 1971; died in prison 2006.^[103]
• John Martin Crawford: convicted in 1996 for the murders of three women in Saskatoon.^[104]
• Léopold Dion: also known as 'Monster of Pont-Rouge'; raped and killed four young boys in 1960; murdered in 1972 by a fellow prison inmate.^[105]
• William Patrick Fyfe: convicted of killing five women in Montreal between 1979 and 1999; suspect in several other murders.
• Russell Maurice Johnson: also known as the 'Bedroom Strangler'; convicted of raping and murdering three women in the 1970s; total number of victims later found to be higher.
• Gilbert Paul Jordan: also known as the 'Boozing Barber', killed between 8 and 10 women by alcohol poisoning in Vancouver; died in 2006.^[106][107]
• Joseph LaPage: also known as the 'French Monster'; murdered 4 women in Canada and the USA from 1867 to 1875; executed 1878.^[108]
• Cody Legebokoff: one of Canada's youngest serial killers, convicted of murdering three women and a teenage girl around Prince George, British Columbia between 2009 and 2010.^[109]
• Allan Legere: also known as 'Monster of the Miramichi'; killer of five individuals.^[110]
• Bruce McArthur: Toronto man who killed and dismemembered eight men between 2010 and 2017; sentenced to life in prison in 2019.^[111]
• Michael Wayne McGray: killed 7 people, including a woman and child and a cellmate, claims to have killed 11 others.^[112][113]
• Dellen Millard: convicted of murdering three people, including his father; two were killed with help from accomplice Mark Smich.^[114]
• Clifford Olson: murdered 11 children in British Columbia in the early 1980s; died in prison 2011.^[115]
• Robert Pickton: Port Coquitlam, British Columbia man charged with the first degree murders of 26 women; allegedly confessed to 49 murders; convicted December 9, 2007 of six charges; reduced to second degree murder.^[116]
• Yves Trudeau: known as 'the Mad Bumper'; former member of an outlaw motorcycle gang who killed 43 people between 1973 and 1985; died of bone-marrow cancer in 2008.^[117]
• Elizabeth Wettlaufer: registered nurse who murdered eight senior citizens in Ontario with fatal injections of insulin, and gave non-fatal injections to six others, between 2007 and 2016.^[118]
• Russell Williams: former Colonel of the Canadian Forces; killed two women and is suspected of murdering a third; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[119]
• Peter Woodcock: murdered three children in 1956 and 1957 in Toronto and a fellow psychiatric institute patient in 1991; died while incarcerated in 2010.^[120]

Chile

• Émile Dubois: French-born murderer and folk hero who's revered as 'The Chilean Robin Hood' for killing alleged usurers; executed 1907.^[121]
• Catalina de los Ríos y Lisperguer: also known as 'La Quintrala'; 17th century landowner tried for over 40 murders; died 1665.^[122]
• Julio Pérez Silva: also known as 'Psychopath from Alto Hospicio', sentenced to life imprisonment for murdering fourteen women from 1998 to 2001.
• Jorge Sagredo and Carlos Topp: also known as the 'Viña del Mar Psychopaths'; committed ten murders and four rapes from 5 August 1980 to 1 November 1981 in Viña del Mar; executed by firing squad on 29 January 1985; they were the last people executed in Chile.^[123]

People's Republic of China

• Bai Baoshan: robber who attacked several police stations in 3 provinces; killed 15 people; executed 1998.
• Li Yijiang: killed seven people in the early 2000s; shot in 2004.^[124]
• Liu Pengli: 2nd century BC Han prince; one of the earliest serial killers attested by historical sources.^[125]
• Gao Chengyong: nicknamed the 'Chinese Jack the Ripper', killed 11 women between 1988 and 2002 in Baiyin and Inner Mongolia; executed 2019.^[126]
• Gong Runbo: found guilty of the murders of six children and teenagers in aged between nine and 16 from 2005 to 2006 in Jiamusi; executed 2007.^[127]
• Huang Yong: between September 2001 and 2003 killed at least 17 teenage boys; executed in 2003.^[128]
• Shen Changyin and Shen Changping: found guilty of the murders of 11 prostitutes between 1999 and 2004 in Lanzhou and Taiyuan; sentenced to death in 2005.^[129]
• Wang Qiang: 45 murder victims and 10 rapes; executed on 17 November 2005.^[130]
• Wang Zongfang and Wang Zongwei: known as 'Er Wang'; murderers who killed soldiers using guns and grenades in Hunan, Hubei and Jiangsu; killed by armed forces in 1983.^[131]
• Yang Xinhai: also known as the 'Monster Killer'; confessed to killing 65 people between 2000 and 2003; executed in 2004.^[132]
• Zhang Jun: robber who killed 28 people from 1993 to 2000 throughout China with accomplices; captured and executed in 2001.^[133]
• Zhang Yongming: killed 11 males between March 2008 and April 2012; executed in 2013.^[134]
• Zhao Zhihong: known as 'The Smiling Killer'; raped and killed 6 women in Inner Mongolia between 1996 and 2005; confessed to a murder for which an innocent man was executed; executed 2019.^[135]
• Zhou Kehua: former soldier who targeted ATM users; killed 10 people in Jiangsu and Chongqing and evaded the law for 8 years, before being killed in 2012 in a shootout with police after a year-long manhunt.^[136]

Colombia

• Andrés Leonardo Achipiz: also known as 'The Fish'; psychopathic hired killer who killed between 30 and 35 people in Bogotá from 2009 to 2013.^[137]
• Daniel Camargo Barbosa: also known as 'The Sadist of El Charquito', who is believed to have raped and killed over 150 young girls in Colombia and Ecuador during the 1970s and 1980s.^[138]
• Manuel Octavio Bermúdez: also known as 'El Monstruo de los Cañaduzales' (The Monster of the Cane Fields); confessed to raping and killing at least 21 children in remote areas of Colombia.^[139]
• Esneda Ruiz Cataño: also known as 'The Predator'; murdered 3 husbands for life insurance between 2001 and 2010.^[140]
• Tomás Maldonado Cera: also known as 'The Satanist'; murdered between 7 and 10 people in satanic rituals in Barranquilla.^[141]
• Cristopher Chávez Cuellar: also known as 'The Soulless'; killed 6 people, including 4 underage brothers, in 2015; suspected of at least 15 murders dating back to the 1990s; sentenced to 40 years imprisonment.^[142]
• Luis Garavito: also known as 'The Beast'; admitted to murder and rape of 140 young boys in the 1990s.^[143]
• Rubén Villalobos Herrera: also known as 'The Black Canes Monster'; necrophile who raped and murdered 9 women from 2012 to 2017; currently awaiting trial.^[144]
• María Concepción Ladino: also known as 'The Killer Witch'; defrauded and murdered 6 people from 1994 to 1998; sentenced to 40 years imprisonment.^[145]
• Pedro López: also known as 'The Monster of the Andes'; accused of raping and killing more than 300 girls across South America between 1969 and 1980.^[146]
• Jaime Iván Martínez: also known as 'The Guarne Killer'; killed at least 4 people in Guarne from 2005 to 2016, including his wife and two children; sentenced to 42 years imprisonment.^[147]
• Nepomuceno Matallana: also known as 'Doctor Mata'; fraudster convicted of a 1947 murder of a merchant, but suspected of other murders; died 1960 from bronchitis combined with heart failure.^[148]
• John Jairo Moreno Torres: also known as 'Johnny the Leper'; gang leader who brutally murdered at least 4 people between 1997 and 1998 in Bogotá; murdered in prison by several inmates in 1998.^[149]
• Yadira Narváez: also known as 'The Queen of Scopolamine'; poisoned between 5 and 6 men with Carbofuran in 2011, but confessed to other murders; sentenced to 100 years imprisonment.^[150]
• Luis Gregorio Ramírez Maestre: killed 30 motorists in various municipalities; captured in 2012; expected to be released in 2032.^[151]
• Fredy Armando Valencia: also known as 'The Monster of Monserrate'; raped and strangled at least 9 drug-addicted women in the Eastern Hills region between 2012 and 2014; confessed to more murders; sentenced to 36 years imprisonment.^[152]

Costa Rica

• Adrián Arroyo Gutiérrez: also known as 'The Southern Psychopath'; raped and strangled between 6 and 11 drug-addicted prostitutes in San José; sentenced to 110 years imprisonment.^[153]

Croatia

• Vinko Pintarić: murdered five people, including his wife, between 1973 and 1990; escaped from custody three times, killed in a 1991 shootout with the police.^[154]

Czech Republic

• Oto Biederman: member of the 'Kolínský Gang' who murdered 5 people from 1993 to 1995, including a former accomplice; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[155]
• Jaroslava Fabiánová: murdered 4 men between 1981 and 2003 for financial reasons; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[156]
• Marie Fikáčková: female nurse in Sušice who was executed by hanging in 1961 for the murders of 10 babies
• Ladislav Hojer: sadist who raped and strangled at least 5 women from 1978 to 1981 around Czechoslovakia; executed 1986.^[157]
• Václav Mrázek: convicted of the murders of seven women around Chomutov; executed in 1957.^[158]
• Martin Lecián: responsible for killing 3 policemen and 1 prison officer; executed in 1927.^[159]
• Hubert Pilčík: killed at least five people whom he helped cross the border from Czechoslovakia into West Germany; committed suicide in prison in 1951.^[160]
• Martin Roháč: former soldier who robbed and killed 59 people between 1568 and 1571 with his accomplices; all were executed in 1571.^[161]
• Ivan Roubal: occultist who murdered five people from 1991 to 1994; sentenced to life imprisonment and died in 2015.^[162]
• Jaroslav and Dana Stodolovi: couple who robbed and killed 8 pensioners from 2001 to 2002; both sentenced to life imprisonment.^[163]
• Petr Zelenka: male nurse convicted of murdering seven patients in Havlíčkův Brod by lethal injections to 'test' doctors; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[164]

Denmark

• Christina Aistrup Hansen: nurse who killed 3 patients at the Nykøbing Falster Hospital; charges changed from 3 murders to 4 attempted manslaughter charges; initially sentenced to life imprisonment, changed to 12 years in prison.^[165]
• Peter Lundin: killed his mother in the United States in 1991, then killed his mistress and her two children in Denmark 9 years later; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[166]
• Dagmar Overbye: childcare provider who killed between nine and twenty-five children; sentenced to death in 1921 then reprieved; died in prison on 6 May 1929.^[167]

Ecuador

• Gilberto Chamba: also known as the 'Monster of Machala'; murdered 8 people in Ecuador and one in Spain; sentenced to 45 years in prison in Spain on 5 November 2006.^[168]
• Juan Fernando Hermosa: also known as 'Niño del Terror'; minor responsible for killing 23 people from 1991 to 1992 in Quito, mostly taxi drivers and homosexuals; sentenced to 4 years imprisonment and then released, later murdered on his 20th birthday by unknown assailants.^[169]

Egypt

• Ramadan Abdel Rehim Mansour: also known as 'Al-Tourbini'; gang leader who raped and murdered homeless children across Egypt by throwing them off trains in the 2000s, sometimes burying them alive; executed in 2010.^{[170][171][172]}
• Raya and Sakina: Egypt's most famous serial killers and the first Egyptian women to be executed by the modern state of Egypt; executed along with their husbands in 1921.^[173]

Estonia

• Johannes-Andreas Hanni: murderer, rapist, and cannibal who killed three people in 1982; committed suicide in police custody on 6 November 1982^[174]
• Märt Ringmaa: also known as the 'Bomb Man of Pae Street'; killed seven people over the course of ten years in Tallinn using IEDs that exploded in public places.^[175]
• Aleksandr Rubel: Ukrainian-born killer who was convicted the murderers of six people in Tallinn as a minor in the late 1990s; released from prison on 8 June 2006.
• Yuri Ustimenko and Dmitry Medvedev: Russian duo who committed robberies, killing 5 people; Medvedev was killed by police, and Ustimenko was captured in Poland, extradited to Estonia and sentenced to life imprisonment.^[176]

Finland

• Juhani Aataminpoika: also known as 'Kerpeikkari'; murdered 12 people in the span of two months in 1849, including his parents; sentenced to death, commuted to life imprisonment; died in 1854.^[177]
• Matti Haapoja: convicted murderer of three, but admitted to the killing of 18. Evidence suggests having killed as many as 22–25 people between 1867 and 1894 in Finland and Siberia. Sentenced to life imprisonment, but committed suicide by hanging in a prison cell.
• Ismo Junni: killed his wife in 1980, then killed 4 people in arson attacks at the Kivinokka allotment garden in Helsinki from 1986 to 1989; committed suicide while in custody.^[178]
• Ensio Koivunen: also known as 'Häkä-Enska'; abducted and murdered 3 female hitchhikers between July and August 1971; sentenced for 25 years to prison, but released in the 1980's; died in 2003.^[179]
• Jukka Lindholm: murdered 3 women from 1985 to 1993 in and around Oulu and one in Helsinki in 2018; sentenced to life imprisonment, and is currently appealing the decision. Has spent 25 years in prison between his crimes.^[180]
• Aino Nykopp-Koski: a female serial killer nurse; convicted of five murders and five attempted murders between 2004 and 2009. Sentenced to life in prison.^[181]

France

• Vincenzo Aiutino: also known as 'The Man with the Fifty Affairs'; Swiss man who raped and strangled three women between 1991 and 1992 in Meurthe-et-Moselle; sentenced to life imprisonment without parole.^[182]
• Patrice Alègre: predator who killed 5 women from 1989 to 1997; suspected of more murders; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[183]
• Marie-Madeleine-Marguerite d'Aubray, Marquise de Brinvilliers: aristocratic French poisoner of three individuals; executed in 1676.^[184]
• Jean-Charles-Alphonse Avinain: also known as 'The Terror of Gonesse'; butcher who killed two people in March and June 1867 for robbery purposes; guillotined that same year.^[185]
• Marcel Barbeault: also known as 'The Shadow Killer'; killed 7 women and 1 man between 1969 and 1976 during night time or early morning; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[186]
• Ludivine Chambet: also known as 'The Poisoner of Chambéry'; nurse's aide who poisoned 10 elderly people from 2012 to 2013 using antidepressants; sentenced to 25 years imprisonment.^[187]
• Pierre Chanal: soldier and military instructor who killed 17 men and boys between 1980 and 1987 in Marne; committed suicide in 2003.^[188]
• Dominique Cottrez: murdered 8 of her newborn infants between 1989 and 2006 in her home in Villers-au-Tertre; sentenced to 9 years imprisonment in 2015.^[189]
• Véronique Courjault: confessed to killing 3 of her babies, stuffing 2 of them in a freezer at their family home in South Korea; sentenced to 8 years in prison 2009, released 2010.^[190]
• Martin Dumollard: condemned to the guillotine after having been arrested and charged with the deaths of maids from 1855 to 1861.
• Michel Fourniret: also known as 'The Ogre of Ardennes'; confessed to nine murders of young girls; allegedly killed 10 more between 1987 and 2001.^[191]
• Gilles Garnier: confessed to killing four children from October 1572 – January 1573.
• Guy Georges: also known as the 'Beast of the Bastille'; serving a life sentence for seven murders between 1991 and 1997.^[192]
• Jacquy Haddouche: delinquent who attacked 6 women from 1992 to 2002, killed 3 of them; sentenced to life imprisonment; died of intracranial hemorrhage while incarcerated.^[193]
• Francis Heaulme: also known as the 'Criminal Backpacker'; serving a life sentence for 20 murders between 1984 and 1992.
• Hélène Jégado: domestic servant who poisoned at least 23 people between 1833 and 1851 in Brittany; executed in 1852.
• Yvan Keller: also known as the 'Pillow Killer'; killed and then robbed at least 23 old women from 1989 to 2006; confessed to 150 murders across France, Switzerland and Germany; committed suicide before trial in 2006.^[194]
• Pierre François Lacenaire: poet and army defector who killed two men between 1834 and 1835 with his accomplices; guillotined 1836.^[195]
• Henri Désiré Landru: killed 11 people; inspired the character of Monsieur Verdoux played by Charlie Chaplin; executed by guillotine on 25 February 1922.^[196]
• Claude Lastennet: convicted of murdering 5 elderly women between August 1993 and January 1994 in Île-de-France; sentenced to life in prison.^[197]
• Celine Lesage: suffocated and strangled 6 of her newborn infants between 2000 and 2007; sentenced to 15 years imprisonment in 2007.^[198]
• Émile Louis: preyed on young handicapped women (seven murders) in the 1970s in Yonne; died in prison in 2013.^[199]
• Christine Malèvre: nurse sentenced for the murders of at least 30 terminally ill patients in Mantes-la-Jolie.^[200]
• Albert Millet: also known as 'The Boar of the Moors'; killed two girlfriends in 1954 and 1979; murdered his lover's friend in 2007; committed suicide to avoid apprehension.^[201]
• Catherine Monvoisin: also known as 'La Voisin'; 17th century poisoner-for-hire who allegedly thousands of infants; burned at the stake in 1680.^[202]
• Yoni Palmier: also known as the 'Killer of Essonne'; shot and killed 4 people from 2011 to 2012 during motorcycle drive-bys; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[203]
• Thierry Paulin: also known as the 'Beast of Montmartre'; preyed on the elderly in the 1980s and murderer of 21 old women.^[204]
• Michel Peiry: also known as the 'Sadist of Romont'; Swiss soldier who sexually abused and killed at least 5 hitchhikers between 1981 and 1987 in Switzerland, France and the United States; suspected of more murders.^[205]
• Albert Pel: also known as 'The Watchmaker of Montreuil; watchmaker who poisoned his parents and lovers from 1872 to 1884; sentenced to penal labour in New Caledonia, where he died in 1924.^[206]
• Marcel Petiot: doctor who killed 63 would-be refugees in Paris from the Nazis; executed in 1946.^[207]
• Louis Poirson: also known as 'Rambo'; Malagasy-born stonemason who kidnapped women from 1995 to 2000, killing four of them; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[208]
• Gilles de Rais: 15th century satanist and child killer who is reputed to have killed 400; executed on 23 October 1440.^[209]
• Tommy Recco: killed his godfather in 1960; released in 1977, after which he killed a total of six cashiers in Béziers and Carqueiranne from 1979 to 1980; also suspected of murdering a trio of German tourists; one of the oldest French prisoners.^[210]
• Sid Ahmed Rezala: known as 'the Killer of the Trains'; Algerian-born serial killer who killed 3 women in 1999; committed suicide in custody in 2000.^[211]
• Rémy Roy: also known as the 'Minitel Killer'; murdered 3 gay men after staged sadomasochistic acts from 1990 to 1991; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[212]
• Antoinette Scieri: nurse who confessed to killing 12 elderly patients, convicted on 27 April 1926 and died in prison.^[213]
• Nadir Sedrati: also known as the 'Cutter of the Canal'; murdered and dismembered 3 people in 1999, throwing the remains into the Marne-Rhine Canal; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[214]
• Alfredo Stranieri: also known as the 'Classified Ad Killer'; Italian-born con man who committed two double murders in 1997 and 1999; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[215]
• Patrick Tissier: recidivistic rapist who killed 3 people from 1971 to 1993; sentenced to life imprisonment plus 30 years lock-in.^[216]
• Joseph Vacher: also known as 'The French Ripper' and 'The South-East Ripper'; 19th century serial killer of 11 people; executed by guillotine on 31 December 1898.^[217]
• Denis Waxin: pedophile who raped six children from 1985 to 1992, killing three of them; sentenced to life imprisonment and 29 years lock-in period.^[218]
• Jeanne Weber: convicted of the strangulation murders of 10 children; committed suicide in custody in 1918.^[219]
• Eugen Weidmann: German who strangled and robbed American dancer Jean de Koven, shot a former accomplice, and shot dead and robbed four other people around Paris in 1937.^[220]

Germany

Ghana

• Charles Quansah: known as the 'Accra Strangler'; convicted of the strangulation deaths of nine women in Accra; suspected of killing 34; sentenced to death in 2003.^[221]

Greece

• Antonis Daglis: also known as the 'Athens Ripper'; convicted in 1997 of the strangulation murder and dismemberment of three women and the attempted murder of six others; committed suicide in police custody in 1997.^[222][223]
• Hermann Duft and Hans Wilhelm Bassenauer: Germans who murdered six persons in Greece, within a short period in 1969, were captured, tried, sentenced to death and executed in 1969.^[224]
• Aristidis Pagratidis: also known as the 'Ogre of Seikh Sou'; allegedly attacked couples in the forested area of Seikh Sou in suburban Thessaloniki from 1958 to 1959, killing 3 people; executed 1968, and since then his guilt has been questioned.^[225]
• Kyriakos Papachronis: also known as the 'Ogre of Drama'; murdered 3 women from 1981 to 1982, committing other crimes as well; sentenced to life imprisonment, released on bail in 2004.^[226]
• Mariam Soulakiotis: also known as the 'Woman Rasputin'; convent abbot who lured, tortured and killed 177 wealthy women and children from 1939 to 1951; died 1954.^[227]
• Dimitris Vakrinos: killed five people and attempted seven more murders for minor quarrels between 1987 and 1996; hanged himself in the prison showers in 1997.^[228]

Hong Kong

• Lam Kor-wan: sexual sadist who murdered and dismembered four women in the 1980s; sentenced to death (commuted to life imprisonment as per tradition at that time).^[229]
• Lam Kwok-wai: murdered three women, apprehended in 1993 and sentenced to life imprisonment (capital punishment already abolished).

Hungary

• Angel Makers of Nagyrév: group of women led by Susanna Fazekas who poisoned around 300 people in the village of Nagyrév between 1914 and 1929.^[230][231]
• Erzsébet Báthory: countess who killed servant girls; rumored to have killed more than 600.^[232]
• Aladár Donászi: robber who killed 4 people from 1991 to 1992 with his accomplice László Bene; committed suicide in prison in 2001.^[233]
• Béla Kiss: murdered at least 24 women, escaped justice in the confusion of World War I.^[234]
• Péter Kovács: also known as the 'Martfű Monster'; truck driver who raped and killed between 4 and 5 women from 1957 and 1967, possibly responsible for more murders; executed 1968.^[235]
• Gusztáv Nemeskéri: also known as the 'Katóka Street Killer'; killed 4 people between 1996 and 1999 to settle his debts, including his half-brother; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[236]
• Zoltán Szabó: also known as the 'Balástya Monster'; killed and mutilated at least 4 women on his farm in Balástya between 1998 and 2001; committed suicide while imprisoned in 2016.^[237]

Iceland

• Björn Pétursson: also known as 'Axlar-Björn'; killed at least 9 travellers in the 16th century.

India

• Thug Behram (ca 1765–1840): alleged to have killed over 900 people; executed in 1840.^{[238][239][240]}
• Seema Gavit and Renuka Shinde (born 1975 and 1973): sisters who kidnapped and murdered five children between 1990 and 1996.^[241]
• M. Jaishankar (born 1977): also known as 'Psycho Shankar', involved in about 30 rapes, murders and robbery cases around Tamil Nadu.^[242]
• Chandrakant Jha (born 1967): befriended and murdered 7 male migrants from 1998 to 2007; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[243]
• Joshi-Abhyankar serial murders: series of 10 murders committed by four art students in Pune; all were executed on 27 November 1983.^[244]
• KD Kempamma (born 1970): also known as 'Cyanide Mallika'; poisoned 6 women from 1999 to 2007 with cyanide; India's first convicted female serial killer; sentenced to death, commuted to life imprisonment.^[245][246]
• Surender Koli (born 1970-71): convicted of raping and murdering four children in Delhi in 2005 and 2006 with another 12 cases pending.^[247][248]
• Mohan Kumar (born 1963): also known as 'Cyanide Mohan'; killed 20 female victims with cynanide, claiming they were contraceptive pills; sentenced to death in 2013.^[249]
• Ravinder Kumar (born 1991): killed the children of poor families from 2008 until his arrest in 2015.^[250]
• Motta Navas (born 1966): killed pavement dwellers in their sleep during a three-month period in 2012 in Kollam.^[251]
• Santosh Pol (born 1974): also known as 'Dr. Death'; killed six people with succinylcholine in the town of Dhom.^[252]
• Raman Raghav (1929-1995): also known as 'Psycho Raman'; Mumbai man who killed homeless people and others in their sleep.^[253][254]
• Umesh Reddy alias BA Umesh (born 1969): confessed to 18 rapes and murders, convicted in nine cases.^[255]
• Ripper Jayanandan (born 1968): also known as the 'Singing Serial Killer'; killed seven people during robberies.^[256]
• Satish (born c. 1973): also known as the 'Bahadurgarh Baby Killer'; confessed to and convicted for 10 murders; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[257]
• Auto Shankar (1954-1995): murdered nine teenage girls in Thiruvanmiyur, Chennai during a six-month period in 1988; executed in 1995.^[258][259]
• Darbara Singh (born 1952): convicted for two murders, 17 suspected victims.^[260] Singh had three children; his wife expelled him from their house, because of his 'bad habits'.
• Charles Sobhraj (born 1944): killed at least 12 Western tourists in Southeast Asia during the 1970s; imprisoned in India (released) and Nepal (in prison).^[261][262]
• Akku Yadav (died 2004): murdered at least three people and dumped their bodies on the railroad tracks; lynched by a mob of around 200 women in Nagpur.^{[263][264][265]}

Indonesia

• Baekuni: also known as 'Babe'; pedophile who killed between 4 and 14 boys from 1993 to 2010; sentenced to life imprisonment, later changed to the death sentence.^[266]
• Very Idham Henyansyah: also known as 'Ryan' and the 'Singing Serial Killer'; convicted and sentenced to death in 2008 for the killing of 11 people.^[267]
• Ahmad Suradji: admitted to killing 42 women around Medan; sentenced to death and executed by firing squad on 10 July 2008.^[268]

Iraq

• Ali Asghar Borujerdi: also known as 'Asghar the Murderer'; killed 33 young adults in Iraq and Iran; executed on 26 June 1934.^[269]
• Louay Omar Mohammed al-Taei: medical doctor found to have killed 43 wounded policemen, soldiers and officials in Kirkuk; was a member of an insurgent cell.^[270]

Iran

• Mohammed Bijeh: also known as the 'Tehran Desert Vampire'; killed at least 16 young boys near Tehran; executed in 2005
• Saeed Hanaei: also known as 'The Spider Killer'; killed at least 16 women around Mashhad; executed in 2002.^[271]
• Esmail Jafarzadeh: murdered a young girl in 2017, confessing to the murder of two women in 1991 and 1993 after his arrest; executed 2017.^[272]
• Gholamreza Khosroo Kurdieh: also known as 'The Night Bat'; murdered 9 women in Tehran in 1997, burning the bodies afterwards; executed 1997.^[273]
• Majid Salek Mohammadi: murdered 24 people from 1981 to 1985, primarily women he considered unfaithful to their husbands; committed suicide in prison before he could be sentenced.^[274]

Republic of Ireland

• Geoffrey Evans and John Shaw: Englishmen who traveled to Ireland in 1976 and vowed to murder a woman once a week, killing two; both apprehended and sentenced. Until his 2012 death, Evans was one of Ireland's longest-serving prisoners.^[275]
• Darkey Kelly: brothel-keeper who killed six men in the 18th century; accused of witchcraft and was burned at the stake in 1761.^[276][277]
• Alice Kyteler: also known as 'The Witch of Kilkenny'; alleged witch who poisoned four husbands in the 14th century; fled to England, fate unknown.^[278]

Israel

• Yahya Farhan: criminal who murdered between 2 and 4 people from 1994 to 2004, including Dana Bennett; sentenced to three consecutive life sentences, and later acquitted of one murder.^[279]
• Nicolai Bonner: killed four people in 2005 in Haifa, three of them homeless; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[280]

Italy

• Wolfgang Abel and Marco Furlan: German-Italian duo found guilty of 10 of 27 counts of murder in 1987.
• Beasts of Satan: Satanic cult members who committed three notorious ritual murders from 1998 to 2004.^[281]
• Marco Bergamo: also known as the 'Monster of Bolzano'; murdered five women in Bolzano from 1985 to 1992; died from a lung infection in 2017.^[282]
• Donato Bilancia: also known as the 'Monster of Liguria' murdered 17 people in seven months between 1997 and 1998.^[283]
• Antonio Boggia: also known as the 'Monster of Milan'; first documented Italian serial killer; murdered 4 people for monetary purposes between 1849 and 1859; hanged 1862.^[284]
• Ralph Brydges: also known as the 'Monster of Rome'; English pastor who's widely believed to have murdered 5 girls in Rome, and 4 in other countries; never convicted of his crimes.^[285]
• Sonya Caleffi: nurse who poisoned terminally ill patients between 2003 and 2004, killing between 15 and 18 of them; sentenced to 20 years of imprisonment.^[286]
• Luigi Chiatti: also known as the 'Monster of Foligno'; kidnapped and killed 2 children in 1992 and 1993; sentenced to two life sentences, but he was found unfit to stand trial and was reduced to 30 years in a mental hospital.^[287]
• Leonarda Cianciulli: also known as the 'Soap-Maker of Correggio'; murderer of three women between 1939 and 1940; died in a women's criminal asylum in 1970.^[288]
• Ferdinand Gamper: also known as the 'Monster of Merano'; killed 6 people in 1996.^[289]
• Pier Paolo Brega Massone: murdered at least four people in Milan and maimed other dozens of victims through unnecessary surgeries to illegally obtain a large amounts of money refunds; convicted and given a life sentence.^[290]
• Andrea Matteucci: also known as the 'Monster of Aosta'; murdered a merchant and 3 prostitutes in Aosta from 1980 to 1995; sentenced to 28 years imprisonment and 3 years in a mental institution.^[291]
• Maurizio Minghella: killed 5 women in his hometown of Genoa in 1978; imprisoned and released, after which he murdered at least 4 more and is suspected of other murders between 1997 and 2001; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[292]
• Giorgio Orsolano: also known as the 'Hyena of San Giorgio'; raped, killed and dismembered 3 girls from 1834 to 1835 in his hometown of San Giorgio Canavese; executed 1835.^[293]
• Ernesto Picchioni: also known as 'The Monster of Nerola'; murdered people around his home; died of cardiac arrest in 1967.^[294]
• Milena Quaglini: murdered her husband and two men who tried to rape her from 1995 to 1999; committed suicide while imprisoned in 2001.^[295]
• Gianfranco Stevanin: also known as the 'Monster of Terrazzo'; raped and murdered prostitutes after violent sex games between 1993 and 1994; violated the corpse of one victim; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[296]
• Roberto Succo: murdered at least five people, including his parents, committed suicide while in prison in 1988.^[297]
• Giulia Tofana: leader of a group of female poisoners in the 17th century; died in her bed, never been arrested.^[298]
• Giorgio Vizzardelli: shot and killed 5 people around Sarzana from 1937 to 1939; sentenced to life imprisonment; committed suicide by slitting his throat with a kitchen knife in 1973.^[299]

Jamaica

• Lewis Hutchinson: Scottish immigrant convicted of shooting dozens of people in the 18th century; executed in 1773.^[300]

Japan

• Satarō Fukiage: raped and killed at least seven girls in the early 20th century; executed 2 July 1926.^[301]
• Hiroaki Hidaka: killed four prostitutes in Hiroshima in 1996; executed 25 December 2006.^[302]
• Miyuki Ishikawa: midwife who murdered an estimated 103 infants, but could have been up to 169, in the 1940s.^[303][304]
• Chisako Kakehi: poisoned her husband and two other men to death, attempted to kill a fourth man, and is a suspect in another seven deaths; sentenced to death in 2017.^[305]
• Kiyotaka Katsuta: firefighter who shot and strangled at least eight people, some during robberies, between 1972 and 1982.^[306]
• Yoshio Kodaira: rapist thought to have killed 11 people in Japan and China as a soldier; executed on 5 October 1949.^[307]
• Genzo Kurita: killed six women and two children and engaged in rape and necrophilia; executed on 16 January 1959.^[308]
• Hiroshi Maeue: also known as 'Suicide Website Murderer'; Osaka man who lured people from suicide clubs promising to kill himself with his victims.^[309]
• Futoshi Matsunaga and Junko Ogata: also known as 'House of Horror'; tortured and killed at least seven people between 1996 and 1998, including Ogata's family.^[310]
• Tsutomu Miyazaki: also known as 'The Otaku Murderer', 'The Little Girl Murderer' and 'Dracula'; killed four preschool-age girls and ate the hand of a victim; executed in 2008.^[311]
• Seisaku Nakamura: also known as the 'Hamamatsu Deaf Killer', murdered at least nine people; executed in 1943.^[312]
• Akira Nishiguchi: killed five people and engaged in fraud; executed on 11 December 1970.^[313]
• Kiyoshi Ōkubo: also known as 'Tanigawa Ivan'; raped and murdered eight young women over a period of 41 days in 1971.
• Yukio Yamaji: murdered his own mother in 2000, and then murdered a 27-year-old woman and her 19-year-old sister in 2005.^[314]

Kazakhstan

• Nikolai Dzhumagaliev: also known as 'Metal Fang'; raped and hacked seven women to death with an axe in Almaty in 1980, then cannibalised them using his unusual false teeth.^[315]
• Yuri Ivanov: also known as the 'Ust-Kamenogorsk Maniac'; raped and killed 16 girls and young women who spoke badly of men in Ust-Kamenogorsk from 1974 to 1987; executed 1987.^[316]

Latvia

• Ansis Kaupēns: army deserter who committed 30 robberies and 19 murders from 1920 to 1926; executed 1927 in Vircava Parish.^[317]
• Kaspars Petrovs: convicted of murdering 13 elderly Riga women in 2005; confessed to killing 38.^[318]
• Stanislav Rogolev: also known as 'Agent 000'; robbed, raped and killed 10 women from 1980 to 1982; suspected of having inside information for the investigation on him; executed 1984.^[319]

Mexico

• Macario Alcala Canchola: also known as 'Jack Mexicano' ('Mexican Jack'), was a Jack the Ripper copycat active in the 1960s.^[320]
• Sara Aldrete: also known as 'La Madrina'; cult follower of Adolfo Constanzo; convicted in 1994 of murdering several individuals during her association with Constanzo.^[321]
• David Avendaño Ballina: also known as 'The Hamburger'; alleged leader of a sex servant gang who robbed and poisoned their clients from 1997 to 2007; arrested in 2008.^[322]
• Juana Barraza: also known as 'Mataviejitas' ('Old Lady Killer'); operated within the metropolitan area of Mexico City until 25 January 2006.^[323][324]
• José Luis Calva: cannibal; police found the remains of multiple female victims in his house; committed suicide on 11 December 2007.^[325]
• Gregorio Cárdenas Hernández: known as 'the Strangler of Tacuba'; strangled 4 women in the Tacuba neighbourhood in 1942; died in 1999 of natural causes.^[326]
• Andrés Ulises Castillo Villareal: known as the 'Chihuahua Ripper'; drugged, raped, killed and mutilated 3 men in Chihuahua in 2015; confessed to 12 more murders, but suspected of 20 overall; sentenced to 120 years imprisonment.^[327]
• Ciudad Juárez Rebels: gang of serial killers who killed women in Ciudad Juárez from 1995 to 1996; convicted of 8 murders, suspected of killing from 10 to 14; claimed to have worked for Abdul Latif Sharif.^[328]
• Adolfo Constanzo: also known as 'The Godfather of Matamoros'; serial killer and cult leader in Mexico; committed suicide in 1989.^[329]
• Edgar Álvarez Cruz and Francisco Granados: responsible for the so-called 'Feminicides of the cotton field'; Cruz, with the help of the drugged Granados, kidnapped, raped, tortured and killed at least 8-10 young women in satanic rituals between 1993 and 2003; suspected of committing a total of 14 murders.^[330]
• Pedro Padilla Flores: also known as 'El Asesino de Rio Bravo'; killed three women in 1986; escaped to the US but was deported back to Mexico; suspect in the Ciudad Juárez murders.^[331]
• Gabriel Garza Hoth: also known as 'The Black Widower'; killed 3 women in Mexico City between 1991 and 1998, his victims were wives and lovers.^[332]
• Delfina and María de Jesús González: also known as 'Las Poquianchis'; killed a total of 91 in Guanajuato; arrested and sentenced to 40 years in prison in 1964.^[333]
• Francisco Guerrero Pérez: also known as 'El Chalequero' ('The man of the vests'); the first documented serial killer in Mexico; committed approximately 20 murders in Mexico City between 1880 and 1888 plus one more in 1908.^[334][335]
• Fernando Hernández Leyva: convicted of 33 murders in 1986, suspected of killing 137 persons.^[336]
• Juan Carlos Hernández and Patricia Martínez: pair from Ecatepec, State of Mexico, known as 'The Monsters of Ecatepec', who raped, murdered and cannibalized between 10 and 20 women. Active between 2012 and 2018.^[337]
• Luis Oscar Jiménez Herrera: also known as 'The Tinaco Killer'; murdered 16 women in Nuevo León between 2013 and 2016, but also suspected of a 2010 murder in San Luis Potosí; sentenced to 123 years imprisonment.^[338]
• César Armando Librado Legorreta: also known as 'El Coqueto'; raped and killed 6 women in the Greater Mexico City between 2011 and 2012; sentenced to 240 years in prison.^[339]
• Rudolfo Infante and Anna Villeda: couple from Matamoros responsible for the murders of 8 women. Apprehended in 1991.^[340]
• Abdul Latif Sharif: also known as 'The Ciudad Juárez Predator'; Egyptian man responsible for murdering an unknown number of women in Ciudad Juárez,^[341] possibly as many as 15 but convicted of only one; died in prison
• Daniel Audiel López Martínez: killed 5 women in Ciudad Juárez between 2007 and 2010.^[342]
• Raúl Osiel Marroquín: also known as 'El Gato Imperial'; killed four gay men in Mexico City.^[343]
• Filiberto Hernández Martínez: killed six people between 2010 and 2013 in San Luis Potosí.^[344]
• Jorge Humberto Martínez Córtez: also known as 'El Matanovias'; killed between two and three of his romantic partners from 2011 to 2014; currently awaiting sentencing.^[345][346]
• Alejandro Máynez: may have killed over 50 women with accomplices.^[347]
• Tadeo Fulgencío Mejía: responsible for several murders during the 1890s and 1900s, motivated by delirious idea of contacting his deceased wife. Now the house in Guanajuato, where he committed the crimes, is known as 'The House of laments' (Casa de los lamentos), and according to legend is haunted.^[348]
• Silvia Meraz: Sonora woman involved in an occult sect, killed 3 persons.^[349]
• Agustín Salas del Valle: also known as 'Jack the Strangler'; killed more than 20 women in Mexico City's Central Zone.^[350]
• Felícitas Sánchez Aguillón: named 'The Ogress of Colonia Roma' was a nurse, midwife and baby farmer responsible for an unknown number of murders during the 1930s, possibly 50 victims, in Mexico City^[351]
• Cristina Soledad Sánchez Esquivel: also known as 'La Matataxistas'; killed between 5 and 6 taxi drivers in Nuevo León in 2010 with her accomplice Aarón Herrera Hernández; sentenced to 130 years imprisonment.^[352]
• Magdalena Solís: religious fanatic, proclaimed 'The High Blood's Priestess', killed 8 persons in ritual sacrifices^[353]
• Mario Alberto Sulú Canché: killed three young girls between 2007 and 2008 in Mérida, Yucatán; later died in prison.^[354]

Moldova

• Alexander Skrynnik: also known as the 'Moldavian Chikatilo'; killed and then mutilated 3 women in Chișinău and Yakutia from the mid-1970s to 1980; executed 1981.^[355]

Morocco

• Hadj Mohammed Mesfewi: also known as the 'Marrakesh Arch-Killer'; drugged and killed 36 women; died 1906.

Netherlands

• Klaas Annink: also known as 'Huttenkloas'; robber and murderer who killed along with his wife Anna and son Jannes; both he and his wife were executed in 1775.^[356]
• Hendrikje Doelen: 19th century farmwife who poisoned several people in a poorhouse from 1845 to 1846, killing 3 of them; died of natural causes in 1847.^[357]
• Willem van Eijk: also known as the 'Beast of Harkstede'; convicted of the murders of five women between 1971 and 2001.
• Koos Hertogs: convicted of the murders of three women between 1979 and 1980.
• Aalt Mondria: escaped mental patient who murdered a family of three in 1978; after release, murdered his girlfriend's son in 1997; died 2011 from untreated Hepatitis C.^[358]
• Gustav Müller: German watchmaker who murdered his wife and son in Rotterdam in 1897; surrendered and subsequently confessed to killing his parents and at least 14 other wives around the world; acquitted by reason of insanity and confined to asylum.^[359]
• Patrick Soultana: strangled 2 women in 2010, suspected of 3 more murders; sentenced to 25 years plus provision in 2014.^[360]
• Michel Stockx: murdered three children around Assen in 1991; sentenced to 20 years in prison in 1992; died of severe burns from an incident during his work therapy in 2001.^[361]
• Maria Swanenburg: suspected of killing between 27 and 90 people with arsenic in Leiden in the 1880s; died in prison in 1915.
• Hans van Zon: murdered 3 people from April to August 1967, including a former lover; suspected of several other murders; died 1998 from alcohol poisoning.^[362]

New Zealand

• Robert Butler: Irish highwayman who allegedly killed a family of three in Dunedin in 1880; acquitted, but was later hanged for shooting a man in Australia.^[363]
• Daniel Cooper: also known as 'The Newlands Baby Farmer'; killed two infants and supposedly his first wife; executed 1932.^[364]
• Minnie Dean: Scottish immigrant baby farmer who killed at least three children by Laudanum poisoning and suffocation in the 1890s; executed by hanging in 1895.^[365]

North Macedonia

• Viktor Karamarkov: known as 'The Macedonian Raskolnikov'; drug addict who murdered 4 elderly women in Skopje from March to October 2009; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[366]
• Vlado Taneski: crime reporter arrested in June 2008 for the murder of three elderly women on whose deaths he had written articles; committed suicide in police custody; suspected of killing another woman.^[367]

Norway

• Arnfinn Nesset: manager of a geriatric nursing home who poisoned 22 residents at the Orkdal Alders-og Sjukeheim institution over a period of years before being convicted in 1983.^[368]

Pakistan

• Javed Iqbal: believed to have raped and killed 100 boys, committed suicide while in prison in 1991.^[369]
• Amir Qayyum: also known as the 'Brick Killer'; murdered 14 homeless men in Lahore with rocks or bricks when they were asleep and was sentenced to death in May 2006.^[370]

Panama

• Silvano Ward Brown: known as 'The Panamá Strangler'; first serial killer in Panamanian history; strangled 3 women from 1959 to 1973 in the Panamá Province; released in 1993 after serving a 20 year sentence.^[371]
• Gilberto Ventura Ceballos: Dominican man who murdered five Panamanian youths of Chinese descent in La Chorrera from 2010 to 2011; sentenced to 50 years imprisonment.^[372]
• William Dathan Holbert: also known as 'Wild Bill'; American expatriate who had the bodies of five other Americans buried on his property; he would kill people to get their money and properties; his wife, Laura Michelle Reese, was also arrested.^[373][374]

Peru

• Pedro Pablo Nakada Ludeña: also known as 'The Apostle of Death'; convicted of 17 murders and claimed 25; sentenced to 35 years in prison.^[375]

Philippines

• Edgar Matobato: self-confessed hitman and serial killer who claims to have killed hundreds of people as part of the Davao Death Squad.^[376]

Poland

• Bogdan Arnold: murdered 4 women in Katowice from 1966 to 1967; also attempted to poison his third wife; executed 1968.^[377]
• Władysław Baczyński: killed a woman and 3 men in Wrocław and Bytom from 1946 to 1957; executed 1960.^[378]
• Józef Cyppek: also known as 'The Butcher of Niebuszewo'; dismembered his neighbour in 1952; was sentenced to death and executed that same year; suspected of other murders.^[379]
• Tadeusz Ensztajn: also known as 'Vampire of Łowicz'; raped and killed 7 women in Łowicz and the surrounding areas in 1933; sentenced to 15 years in prison in 1934.^[380]
• Krzysztof Gawlik: also known as 'Scorpio'; murdered five people with a silenced machine gun in 2001; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[381]
• Tadeusz Grzesik: leader of the so-called 'Bureaucrats Gang'; killed between 8 and 20 people in several Polish voivodeships with his gang, mainly owners of exchange offices; suspected of more murders; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[382]
• Joachim Knychała: also known as 'The Vampire of Bytom' or 'Frankenstein', who murdered five women between 1975 and 1982.^[383][384]
• Edmund Kolanowski: necrophile who murdered 3 women from 1970 to 1982; also mutilated and desecrated corpses he excavated from chapels; executed 1986.^[385]
• Karol Kot: killed 2 people from 1964 to 1966 in his native Kraków, attempted to murder many more; executed 1968.^[386]
• Henryk Kukuła: also known as 'The Monster from Chorzów'; pedophile who murdered four children from 1980 to 1990; sentenced to 28 years in prison, expected to be released in 2020.^[387]
• Tadeusz Kwaśniak: also known as the 'Towel Strangler'; violent pedophile who raped and murdered 5 boys from 1990 and 1991; also responsible for numerous robberies; hanged himself in his prison cell before he could be sentenced.
• Zdzisław Marchwicki: also known as 'Zagłębie Vampire'; convicted of murdering 14 women; executed in 1976.^[388]
• Nikifor Maruszeczko: criminal who killed four men for the purpose of robbery; executed 1938.^[389]
• Władysław Mazurkiewicz: also known as 'The Gentleman Killer'; killed up to 30 women; executed by hanging in 1957.^[390]
• Stanisław Modzelewski: murdered seven women in Łódź during the 1960s; executed in 1970.
• Henryk Moruś: killed 7 people in the Piotrków Voivodeship from 1986 to 1992; sentenced to 25 years imprisonment; died of probable heart failure in 2013.^[391][392]
• Grzegorz Musiatowicz: violent criminal who killed 3 men between 2002 and 2014; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[393]
• Leszek Pękalski: also known as the 'Vampire of Bytów'; killed up to 17 women.^[394]
• Kazimierz Polus: pedophile who killed two boys and one man from 1971 to 1982; executed 1985.^[395]
• Skin Hunters: Karol Banaś, Andrzej Nowocień, Dr. Janusz Kuliński and Dr. Paweł Wasilewski; paramedics and doctors in Łódź who killed patients for profit; all four were convicted and officials are investigating possible accomplices.^[396]
• Mariusz Sowiński: also known as 'The Stefankowice Vampire'; raped and killed four women from 1994 to 1997; sentenced to 50 years in prison.^[397]
• Paweł Tuchlin: also known as 'Scorpion'; killed 9 women and attempted to kill 11 more to feel better; executed 1987.^[398]
• Mieczysław Zub: also known as 'Fantomas'; killed 4 women the area of Ruda Śląska; committed suicide in 1985.^[399]

Portugal

• Diogo Alves: also known as the 'Aqueduct Murderer'; Spanish man who robbed and threw poor people off Lisbon's Águas Livres Aqueduct between 1836 and 1840; executed 1841.^[400]
• António Luís Costa: ex-GNR officer from Santa Comba Dão who murdered three women between 2005 and 2006; sentenced to 25 years in prison.^[401]

Romania

• Vera Renczi: poisoned two husbands, one son and 32 of her suitors in the 1920s and 1930s.^[402][403]
• Ion Rîmaru: murdered and raped young women in Bucharest from 1970 to 1971; executed in 1971.^[404]
• Vasile Tcaciuc: also known as 'The Butcher of Iași': murdered victims with an axe and confessed to have committed at least 26 murders; shot dead by a policeman while trying to escape from prison.^[405]
• Romulus Vereș: convicted of five murders in the 1970s; sent to a mental institution; died in 1993.^[406]

Russia

Serbia

• Baba Anujka (also known as Anna Pistova, Ana di Pištonja, Anuyka Dee, 'The Banat Witch' and 'The Witch of Vladimirovac'); professional poisoner who poisoned between 50 and 150 people until apprehended in 1928.^[407]

Slovakia

• Juraj Lupták: also known as the 'Strangler from Banská Bystrica'; shepherd who raped and strangled 3 women from 1978 to 1982; executed 1987 in Bratislava.^[408]
• Ondrej Rigo: killed, raped and mutilated 9 women in Amsterdam, Munich and Bratislava, always wearing socks on his hands; he remains the Slovak murderer with the highest number of victims and he is also the most prolific serial killer in modern Slovak history.^[409]
• Jozef Slovák: after serving just 8 years for his first murder from 1978, Slovák killed at least 4 other women in Slovakia and Czech Republic in the early 1990s; highly intelligent, holder of numerous patents in electronics.^[410]

Slovenia

• Silvo Plut: killed three women in Slovenia and Serbia from 1990 until 2006; committed suicide in prison in 2007.^[411]
• Metod Trobec: raped and killed at least five women between 1976 and 1978; committed suicide in prison in 2006.^[412]

South Africa

As of October 2014, South Africa had 160 recorded serial killers since 1950. A disproportionately large number them were white males, although no racial group were more likely to be victims.^[413]

• Asande Baninzi: killed 18 people in the span of 3 months in 2001 with accomplice Mthutuzeli Nombewu; was given 19 life sentences and 189 years imprisonment.^[414]
• Pierre Basson: first documented South African serial killer; killed 9 people in Claremont between 1903 and 1906 and buried them in his backyard; committed suicide to avoid arrest.^[415]
• Sibusiso Duma: murdered 7 people in the Pietermaritzburg area of KwaZulu Natal in 2007.^[416]
• Gamal Lineveldt: responsible for the 'Cape Flats Murders'; murdered 4 European women from October to November 1940; executed 1942.^[417]
• Cedric Maake: also known as the 'Wemmer Pan Killer'; serial rapist; murdered at least 27 people from 1996–1997.^[418]
• Bulelani Mabhayi: also known as 'The Monster of Tholeni'; killed 20 women and children from 2007 to 2012 in the village of Tholeni in the Eastern Cape.^[419]
• Simon Majola: together with accomplice Themba Nkosi, known as 'The Bruma Lake Killers'; robbed and drowned at least 8 men in Bruma Lake from 2000 to 2001; both sentenced to life imprisonment.^[420]
• Fanuel Makamu: also known as 'The Mpumalanga Serial Rapist'; along with accomplice Henry Maile, robbed, raped and murdered 6 six women from February to September 2000; Maile was shot by police on September 14, while Makamu was captured and sentenced to 165 years imprisonment.^[421]
• Jimmy Maketta: also known as 'The Jesus Killer' convicted on 16 counts of murder, 19 counts of rape from 1996–1999.^[422]
• Johannes Mashiane: also known as 'The Beast of Atteridgeville' 13 counts of murder, 12 counts of sodomy from 1982–1989.^[423]
• Daisy de Melker: poisoner; killed two husbands and one son between 1923–1932; executed in 1932.^[424]
• Samuel Bongani Mfeka: strangled 6 women from 1993 to 1996 in KwaZulu-Natal.^[425][426]
• Jack Mogale: also known as the 'West-End serial killer'; convicted of raping and murdering 16 women in Johannesburg in 2008 and 2009.^[427]
• Elifasi Msomi: also known as 'The Axe Killer' murdered 15 people under the influence of the Tokoloshe from 1953–1955.^[428]
• Mukosi Freddy Mulaudzi: also known as 'The Limpopo Serial Killer'; escaped convict, originally responsible for two murders in 1990, who murdered 11 more people between 2005 and 2006; given 11 life sentences.^[429]
• Nicholas Lungisa Ncama: murdered 6 people in the Eastern Cape in 1997; sentenced to life in prison.^[430]
• Velaphi Ndlangamandla: also known as 'The Saloon Killer'; robber who murdered 19 people around Mpumalanga from April to September 1998; sentenced to 137 years imprisonment.^[431]
• David Randitsheni: also known as 'Modimolle Serial Killer' raped and murdered 10 children (kidnapped and raped more) from 2004–2008.^[432]
• Gert van Rooyen: allegedly abducted and murdered at least six girls from across South Africa from 1988–1989.^[433]
• Louis van Schoor: former security guard who confessed to murdering 100 people; released on parole.^[434]
• Samuel Sidyno: also known as 'Capital Hill Serial Killer'; murdered 7 people in Pretoria from 1998–1999.^[435]
• Norman Afzal Simons: also known as 'Station Strangler' raped, sodomised and murder 22 children on the Cape Flats from 1986–1994.^[436]
• Moses Sithole: also known as the 'ABC Killer' and the 'South African Strangler'; raped and killed at least 38 young women in Atteridgeville, Boksburg and Cleveland from 1994–1995.^[437]
• Thozamile Taki: also known as the 'Sugarcane Serial Killer'; robbed and killed 10 women in KwaZulu Natal and three in Eastern Cape, dumping their bodies in sugarcane and tea plantations.^[438]
• Sipho Thwala: also known as the 'Phoenix Strangler'; raped and murdered 19 women in the sugarcane fields of KwaZulu Natal from 1996 to 1997.^[439]
• Stewart Wilken: also known as 'Boetie Boer'; raped, sodomised and murdered at least 7 victims in and around Port Elizabeth from 1990–1997.^{[440][441][442]}
• Elias Xitavhudzi: also known as 'Pangaman' murdered 16 people in Atteridgeville in the 1960s.^[443]
• Christopher Mhlengwa Zikode: also known as 'Donnybrook Serial Killer'; murdered 18 people in Donnybrook, KwaZulu-Natal from 1994–1995.^[444]

South Korea

• Chijon family: gang of cannibals that was sentenced to death for killing five people; sentenced to death in 1994; all members were executed by hanging on November 2, 1995.^[445]
• Crown Prince Sado: Joseon prince who raped and killed his palace staff; sealed in a rice chest and died.^[446]
• Jeong Du-yeong: killed an officer in 1986; after release, killed 8 other people in robberies from 1999 to 2000; sentenced to death.^[447]
• Jeong Nam-gyu: sexually assaulted and killed 14 people from 2004 to 2006; died in hospital after failing to hang himself the previous day.^[448]
• Kang Ho-sun: sentenced to death in 2010 for killing 10 women, including his wife and mother-in-law.^[449]
• Kim Hae-sun: violent drunkard who raped and killed 3 children in 2000; executed 2001.^[450]
• Yoo Young-chul: cannibal; killed 21 people from September 2003 to July 2004, mainly young women and rich men; sentenced to death in 2004.^[451]

Spain

• Andrés Aldije Monmejá and José Muñoz Lopera: responsible for the 'Frenchman's Garden' murders; owners of an illegal gambling house who killed 6 visitors from 1889 to 1904; both garroted in 1906.^[452]
• Francisca Ballesteros: known as La Viuda Negra^[453] ('The Black Widow'), poisoned her husband and three children in Valencia between 1990 and 2004 (one survived), sentenced to 84 years in prison in 2005
• Manuel Blanco Romasanta: travelling salesman who claimed to be a werewolf, confessed to 13 murders and was convicted of eight in 1853; his initial death sentence commuted in order to make a study in clinical lycanthropy, died in prison ten years later.^[454]
• Manuel Delgado Villegas: also known as El Arropiero^[453] ('The Arrope Trader'), wandering criminal with XYY syndrome that confessed to 48 murders in Spain, France and Italy, including his girlfriend; considered guilty of seven and interned in a mental institution until his death in 1998
• Joaquín Ferrándiz Ventura: insurance salesman who murdered 5 women in Castellón Province between 1995 and 1996.^[455]
• Alfredo Galán: also known as 'The Playing Card Killer', Spanish Army corporal who killed 6 individuals in 2003.^[456]
• Juan Díaz de Garayo: also known as 'The Sacamantecas'; killed 6 people from 1870 to 1879 in Álava. Executed by garrote in 1881.^[457][458]
• Francisco García Escalero: also known as El Mendigo Asesino^[453] ('The Killer Beggar'); schizophrenic beggar convicted of 11 murders, confined to a psychiatric hospital since 1995
• Gila Giraldo: also known as 'La Serrana de la Verra'; alleged 15th-16th century serial killer who beheaded men she slept with.
• Tony Alexander King: also known as the 'Costa Killer'; British sex offender who murdered two girls in Malaga in 1999 and 2003; suspected of possibly committing more murders in his native UK; sentenced to 19 years imprisonment.^[459]
• Ramón Laso: killed his two wives, child and brother in law in order to pursue extra-marital relationships.^[460]
• Enriqueta Martí: self-proclaimed witch who kidnapped, prostituted, murdered and made potions with the remains of small children in early 20th century Barcelona (12 bodies were identified in her home); murdered in prison while awaiting trial in 1913.^[461]
• Dámaso Rodríguez Martín: El Brujo ('The Warlock'), serial rapist and voyeur imprisoned in 1981 after attacking a couple, killing the man and raping the woman. Escaped from prison to the Anaga mountains in 1991, where he killed two German hikers (one of them was raped). Cornered in an abandoned house, he shot himself unsuccessfully, only to be shot dead in turn by law enforcement.^[462]
• José Antonio Rodríguez Vega: El Mataviejas^[453] ('The Old Lady Killer'), raped and killed at least 16 elderly women, sentenced to 440 years in prison in 1995, murdered by fellow inmates in 2002
• Abdelkader Salhi: known as the '10 Killer'; German convicted of a robbery-murder in 1988 in Germany, later moving to Spain and allegedly murdering 3 prostitutes from August to September 2011; currently awaiting sentencing.^[463]
• Gustavo Romero Tercero: 'The Valdepeñas Killer', killed 3 people from 1993 to 1998.^[464]
• Margarita Sánchez Gutiérrez: known as 'The Black Widow of Barcelona'; poisoned family members and relatives, killing 4 of them; acquitted of the crimes but sentenced to 34 years for others crimes.^[465]

Swaziland

• David Thabo Simelane: raped and killed 28 women, suspected of 45; sentenced to death in 2011.^[466]

Sweden

• Anders Hansson: hospital orderly in Malmö who poisoned his victims with detergents Gevisol and Ivisol between October 1978 and January 1979; his actions were called the 'Malmö Östra hospital murders'.^[467]
• Anders Lindbäck: vicar who poisoned poor people with arsenic, 3 of them who died; committed suicide in custody in 1865.
• John Ingvar Lövgren: confessed to four murders committed between 1958 and 1963 in the Stockholm region.^[468]
• Hilda Nilsson: known as 'The Angel Maker on Bruks Street'; Helsingborg baby farmer who murdered 8 children; committed suicide in custody in 1917.^[469]

Switzerland

• Roger Andermatt: also known as the 'Death-Keeper of Lucerne'; nurse who killed 22 people from 1995 to 2001; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[470]
• Werner Ferrari: child killer who lured his victims from popular festivals, strangling them afterwards; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[471]
• Erich Hauert: sex offender who committed eleven rapes and three murders from 1982 to 1983; sentenced to life imprisonment; his case impacted treatment of dangerous sexual offenders in Switzerland tremendously.^[472]

Taiwan

• Zhang Renbao: murdered three women from 1993 to 2003, also sexually violating the first victim; sentenced to death.^[473]

Prison Rehabilitation Statistics

Tunisia

• Naceur Damergi: rapist who killed 13 minors in the Nabeul region in the 1980s; executed by hanging in 1990.^[474][475]

Turkey

• Süleyman Aktaş: also known as the 'Nailing Killer'; killed five people and nailed them in the eyes and head; he is kept in a psychiatric hospital.^[476]
• Adnan Çolak: also known as 'The Beast of Artvin'; killed 17 elderly women in Artvin, Turkey from 1992 to 1995; in 2000 he was sentenced to death six times, and 40 years in prison. However, since October 1984, Turkey has not executed any prisoners, and as of 2004, Turkey does not have capital punishment.
• Seyit Ahmet Demirci: also known as the 'Furniture dealers' Killer'; killed three furniture dealers selected at random and because he was sexually abused by his employer during his youth.;^[477] sentenced to death.^[478]
• Özgür Dengiz: serial killer from Ankara, who killed four people and cannibalized at least one.^[479]
• Atalay Filiz: fugitive suspected of 4 murders from 2012 to 2016.^[480]
• Ali Kaya: also known as 'The Babyface Killer'; responsible for 10 murders.^[481]
• Hamdi Kayapınar: also known as 'Avcı' ('Hunter'); killed 8 people from 1994 to 2018; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[482]
• Yavuz Yapıcıoğlu: also known as 'The Screwdriver Killer'; responsible for at least 18 murders.^[483]

Ukraine

• Zaven Almazyan: also known as the 'Voroshilovgrad Maniac'; Russian soldier who raped and killed 3 women in Voroshilovgrad; executed 1973.^[484]
• Oleksandr Berlizov: also known as the 'Night Demon'; sexual psychopath who raped numerous women from 1969 to 1972 in Dnipropetrovsk, killing 9 of them; executed 1972.
• Sergei Dovzhenko: killed between 17 and 19 people in his native home of Mariupol for 'mocking' him; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[485]
• Tamara Ivanyutina: also known as the 'Kiev Poisoner'; poisoned people from personal spite 1976 to 1987, killing 9 of them; executed 1987.^[486]
• Ruslan Khamarov: seduced and murdered 11 women in his home from 2000 to 2003; sentenced to life imprisonment.^[487]
• Oleg Kuznetsov: also known as 'The Balashikha Ripper'; killed a total of 10 people in Russia and Ukraine; sentenced to death but commuted to life imprisonment.^[488]
• Anatoly Onoprienko: also known as 'The Terminator'; murdered 52 people from 1989 until his capture in 1996; died in prison in 2013.^[489][490]
• Serhiy Tkach: convicted of raping and murdering 36 women between 1980 - 2005; claims the total is 100.^[491][492]
• Vladyslav Volkovich and Volodymyr Kondratenko: also known as the 'Nighttime Killers'; charged with shooting, stabbing and bludgeoning 16 victims to death in Kiev between 1991 and 1997; Kondratenko committed suicide in prison during the trial; Volkovich was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment.^[493]

United Kingdom

England

• Stephen Akinmurele: also known as the 'Cul-de-sac killer'; committed suicide in Strangeways in 1999 while awaiting trial for the murders of five elderly people in Blackpool and the Isle of Man between 1995 and 1998.^[494]
• Beverley Allitt: also known as 'Angel of Death'; Lincolnshirepaediatric nurse who killed four babies in her care and injured at least nine others; sentenced to life imprisonment in 1991.^[495]
• Mary Bateman: also known as the 'Yorkshire Witch'; 19th century thief hanged for the poisoning of a couple (husband survived); suspected in three more deaths; executed 1809.^[496]
• Levi Bellfield: also known as the 'Bus Stop Stalker'; convicted of the 2002 murder of Amanda Dowler and two fatal hammer attacks on young women in South West London in 2003 and 2004.^[497]
• John Bishop, Thomas Williams, Michael Shields and James May: known as 'The London Burkers'; English copycats of Burke and Hare.^[498]
• Geordie Bourne: Scottish 16th century bandit who killed seven people around the East English Marches; executed by unknown means.^[499]
• Ian Brady and Myra Hindley: also known as the 'Moors Murderers'; murdered five children, aged between 10 and 17 between 1963 and 1965. Buried four of their victims on Saddleworth Moor.^[500]
• Mary Ann Britland: poisoned her daughter, husband, and the wife of her lover in 1886; first woman to be executed by hanging at Strangeways Prison in Manchester in 1886 by executioner James Berry.^[501]
• Peter Bryan: institutionalized for fatal hammer attack on woman in 1993; re-apprehended for cannibalizing a friend in 2004 but able to batter a fellow patient to death months later.^[502]
• George Chapman: Polish-born poisoner who murdered three women between 1897 and 1902; suspected by some authors of being Jack the Ripper. Executed in 1903.^[503]
• John Childs: known as the most prolific hit man in the United Kingdom, he was convicted in 1979 of six contract killings, though none of the bodies have been found.^[504]
• John Christie: gassed, raped and strangled at least five women from 1943 to 1953, hiding the bodies at his house in Notting Hill, London; also strangled his wife Ethel, as well as the wife and baby daughter of neighbour Timothy Evans, who was wrongfully executed for their murders.^[505]
• Robert George Clements: doctor who committed suicide when due to be arrested for poisoning his fourth wife; his other three wives all died suspiciously during the interwar period.^[506]
• Mary Ann Cotton: Victorian killer; said to have poisoned more than 20 victims; hanged in 1873.^[507]
• Thomas Neill Cream: also known as the 'Lambeth Poisoner'; began his killing spree in the United States then moved to London; hanged in 1892.^[508]
• Dale Cregan: sentenced to a whole life order in prison for four counts of homicide in 2012 involving the use of firearms, including killing two police officers, and three separate counts of attempted murder in Greater Manchester.^[509]
• Sarah Dazley: also known as the 'Potton Poisoner'; poisoned her husband with arsenic; suspected of killing her first husband and child; hanged 1843.^[510]
• Frederick Bailey Deeming: in 1891 killed his wife and four children in Britain; remarried and moved to Australia, and then murdered his new wife.^[511]
• Joanna Dennehy: stabbed three men to death and tried to kill two others selected at random in what would become known as the 'Peterborough Ditch Murders' in 2013; sentenced to life in prison.^[512][513]
• John Duffy and David Mulcahy: also known as the 'Railway Killers'; killed three women near railway stations in the 1980s.^[514]
• Amelia Dyer: murdered infants in her care; executed by hanging at Newgate Prison in 1896.^[515]
• Kenneth Erskine: also known as the 'Stockwell Strangler'; sentenced to life imprisonment in 1988 for murdering seven pensioners.^[516]
• Catherine Flannigan and Margaret Higgins: Two Irish women known as 'The Black Widows of Liverpool'; killed at least 4 people by poisoning in the 1880s in order to obtain insurance money.^[517]
• Steven Grieveson: also known as 'The Sunderland Strangler'; murdered four teenage boys in Sunderland, Tyne and Wear between 1990 and 1994.^[518]
• Stephen Griffiths: also known as the 'Crossbow Cannibal'; convicted of murdering three prostitutes in Bradford in 2009 and 2010.^[519]
• Allan Grimson: Royal Navy officer convicted of 2 murders from 1997 to 1998; suspected of murdering up to 20 people across the UK, Gibraltar and New Zealand.^[520]
• John Haigh: also known as the 'Acid Bath Murderer' and the 'Vampire of London'; active in England during the 1940s; convicted of six murders, but claimed to have killed nine; executed in 1949.^[521]
• Anthony Hardy: also known as the 'Camden Ripper'; convicted of three murders; suspected of at least four.^[522]
• Trevor Hardy: also known as 'The Beast of Manchester'; killed three teenage girls in Manchester from 1974 to 1976.^[523]
• Philip Herbert: also known as the 'Infamous Earl of Pembroke'; 17th century nobleman convicted of manslaughter but discharged; later killed the prosecutor and pardoned for a third murder.^[524]
• Colin Ireland: also known as 'The Gay Slayer'; killed five gay men in London in the early 1990s; died in prison in 2012.^[525]
• Theodore Johnson: Jamaican immigrant who murdered his wife and two girlfriends from 1981 to 2016; sentenced to 26 years imprisonment.^[526]
• Bruce George Peter Lee: serial killer and arsonist responsible for 26 deaths in the town of Hull from 1973 to 1979.^[527]
• Robin Ligus: drug addict convicted of robbing and bludgeoning three men to death with an iron bar in Shropshire in 1994.
• Michael Lupo: also known as 'Wolf Man'; Italian-born man convicted of the murders of four men and two attempted murders in the 1980s. Died in prison in 1995.^[528]
• Patrick Mackay: charged with the murders of five individuals in London and Kent, convicted of three; confessed to killing 11 people from 1974 to 1975.^[529]
• Robert Maudsley: also known as 'Hannibal The Cannibal'; killer of four; killed three in prison.^[530][531]
• Raymond Morris: also known as the 'A34 Killer'; convicted of one murder, considered to have committed at least two more.^[532]
• Robert Hicks Murray: bigamist who murdered his first wife and three children, and then killed himself in a murder-suicide in 1912; posthumously connected to the killings of at least seven previous wives.^[533]
• Robert Napper: also known as the 'Green Chain Rapist'; killed two women and a child in the 1990s.^[534]
• Donald Neilson: also known as the 'Black Panther'; killed four people, including heiress Lesley Whittle.^[535]
• Dennis Nilsen: also known as 'The Muswell Hill Murderer'; killer of 15 (possibly 16) men between 1978 and 1983 in North London.^[536]
• Colin Norris: nurse convicted of killing four patients in Leeds hospitals between 2001 and 2002.^[537]
• William Palmer: also known as 'Palmer the Poisoner'; doctor suspected of numerous murders, convicted of one; hanged in 1856.^[538]
• Stephen Port: drugged, raped and murdered four men in Barking, London between 2014 and 2015; convicted in 2016.^[539]
• Elizabeth Ridgeway: poisoned her husband in 1684; after arrest, confessed to poisoning 3 more people starting from 1681; executed 1684.^[540]
• Amelia Sach and Annie Walters: known as 'The Finchley Baby Farmers'; baby farmers who used chlorodyne to poison an unknown number of infants; both hanged at the HM Prison Holloway in 1903.^[541]
• Harold Shipman: also known as 'Dr. Death'; doctor convicted of 15 murders; a later inquiry stated he had killed at least 215 and possibly up to 457 people over a 25-year period; committed suicide in 2004 in prison.^[542]
• George Joseph Smith: also known as 'The Brides in the Bath' killer who murdered three women.^[543]
• Rebecca Smith: poisoned her infant son with arsenic in 1849, later confessing to doing the same to 7 of her other children; executed 1849.^[544]
• John Straffen: murdered three children between 1951 and 1952; Britain's longest-serving prisoner until his death in 2007.^[545]
• Peter Sutcliffe: also known as the 'Yorkshire Ripper'; convicted in 1981 of murdering 13 women and attacking seven more from 1975 to 1980.^[546]
• Thomas Griffiths Wainewright: artist considered to have poisoned four people.^[547]
• Margaret Waters: baby farmer from Brixton who drugged and starved the infants in her care; believed to have killed at least 19 children; executed on 11 October 1870.^[548]
• Fred West and Rosemary West: also known as the 'House of Horrors' murderers; she was convicted of 10 murders; both are believed to have tortured and murdered at least 12 young women between 1967 and 1987, many at their home in Gloucester; he committed suicide in 1995 while awaiting trial.^[549]
• Ada Williams: 19th-century baby farmer who strangled an infant in September 1899; suspected of more murders; executed 1900.^[550]
• Catherine Wilson: nurse considered to have poisoned seven people in the 19th century; executed in 1862.^[551]
• Mary Elizabeth Wilson: also known as the 'Merry Widow of Windy Nook'; convicted of murdering two husbands by poisoning and considered to have killed two others.^[552]
• Steve Wright: also known as 'The Suffolk Strangler'; killed five women in six weeks around Ipswich in late 2006.^[553]
• Graham Young: also known as 'The Teacup Poisoner'; killed three people from 1962 to 1971; died in prison in 1990.^[554]

Northern Ireland

• Shankill Butchers: The Shankill Butchers was an Ulster loyalist gang—many of whom were members of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)—that was active between 1975 and 1982 in Belfast, Northern Ireland. The gang was based in the Shankill area and were responsible for the deaths of at least 23 people, most of whom were Irish Catholics killed in sectarian attacks.^[555]

Scotland

• Robert Black: schoolgirl killer; convicted of four murders in Northern Ireland, England, and Scotland between 1981 and 1986, suspected of many more; died in prison in 2016.^[556][557]
• William Burke and William Hare: notorious body snatchers in Edinburgh in the 19th century.^[558]
• Archibald Hall: also known as the 'Monster Butler'; killed five in the 1970s, three with accomplice Michael Kitto.^[559]
• Peter Manuel: also known as the 'Beast of Birkenshaw'; American-born murderer of seven, suspected of killing 15; executed in 1958.^[560]
• Edward William Pritchard: English doctor who poisoned his wife and her mother in Glasgow in 1865; two years earlier their maid had died in a mysterious fire.^[561]
• Angus Sinclair: convicted of the murders of four young women, including the 'World's End Murders' in Edinburgh, believed to have murdered eight; died in prison in 2019.^[562]
• Peter Tobin: rapist and killer of three women between 1991 and 2006; sentenced to life in prison.^[563]

Wales

• John Cooper: also known as 'The Wildman' and 'The Bullseye Killer'; Pembrokeshire burglar responsible for the robbery and shotgun double-murders of a brother and sister in 1985 and a couple in 1989.^[564]
• Peter Moore: also known as 'The Man in Black'; businessman who killed four men at random in North Wales in 1995.^[565]

United States

Uruguay

• Pablo Goncálvez: Spanish-born murderer who killed tennis player Patricia Miller's half-sister and two other women; freed in 2016 but was arrested in 2017 in Paraguay for carrying an unregistered weapon and a quantity of cocaine.^{[566][567][568][569]}

Uzbekistan

• Polatbay Berdaliyev: raped, murdered and robbed a total of 11 women in Uzbekistan and neighboring Kazakhstan with accomplice Abduseit Ormanov between 2011 and 2012; both sentenced to life imprisonment in both countries.^[570]

Venezuela

• Dorángel Vargas: killed and cannibalized at least 10 men between 1997 and 1999 in San Cristóbal, Táchira.^[571]

Yemen

• Abdallah al-Hubal: killed 7 people in 1990 after the Yemeni reunion; fled prison and killed a young couple and three other people in 1998; killed in a shootout with the police.^[572]
• Zu Shenatir: 5th-century Yemeni serial killer.^[573]

Zambia

• Mailoni Brothers: three brothers who killed at least 12 people from 2007 to 2013 in Central Province.^[574]

Zimbabwe

• Richard McGown: also known as 'Dr. Death'; Scottish doctor responsible for administering fatal doses of morphine to at least 5 patients in Harare from 1986 to 1992; convicted of two counts of culpable homicide and sentenced to a year in prison, after which he was released and returned to the UK.^[575]

Unidentified serial killers

This is a list of unidentified serial killers. It includes circumstances where a suspect has been arrested, but not convicted.

Australia

• Bowraville Murders: murders of three Aboriginal children in 1990 and 1991.^{[576][577][578]}
• Claremont serial murders: murders of two young women and the disappearance of a third in 1996 and 1997.^[579]
• The Family Murders: murder and mutilation of five young men and boys from 1979 to 1983. Bevan Spencer von Einem was convicted of one murder.^[580]
• Tynong North and Frankston Murders: murders of six females in Tynong North and Frankston in 1980 and 1981.^[581]

Physical Rehabilitation Statistics

Belgium

• Brabant killers: gang of serial killers who operated in the Brabant province from 1982 until 1985; murdered 28 people and injured 40.^[582][583]
• Butcher of Mons: unidentified serial killer who committed five murders from January 1996 to July 1997 in Mons. Montenegrin murderer Smail Tulja is suspected of being the Butcher.^[584]

Brazil

• Paturis Park murders: also known as the 'Rainbow Maniac'; series of 13 gunshot murders of gay men between July 2007 and August 2008 in Paturis Park in Carapicuiba.^[585]

Canada

• Highway of Tears: death and disappearance of around 40 young women in British Columbia since 1969.^[586]
• Toronto hospital baby deaths: deaths of at least eight babies at Toronto's Hospital for Sick Children in 1980 and 1981 were initially alleged to be digoxin poisonings, a theory which was cast into doubt by new evidence in 2010-2011.^[587]

Costa Rica

• El Psicópata: killed 19 people from 1986 to 1996 in Cartago, Curridabat and Desamparados; suspected of other similar crimes.^[588]

Finland

• Järvenpää Serial Killer: responsible for the so-called 'HausjärviGravel Pit Murders'; killed a woman in 1991 and suspected in the disappearance of another in 1993; possibly responsible for other abductions and murders in the late 20th century.^[589]

Germany

India

• Beer Man: murdered seven people in south Mumbai between October 2006 and January 2007.^[590]
• Stoneman: responsible for 13 murders in Kolkata in 1989.^[591]

Italy

• Monster of Florence: committed eight murders of couples in a series of 16 between 1968 and 1985. Giancarlo Lotti and Mario Vanni were convicted of four of the murders, but this conviction has been widely criticized.^[592]
• Monster of Udine: killed at least 4 victims in the Province of Udine, Italy.^[593]

Japan

• Paraquat murders: series of indiscriminate poisonings carried out in Japan in 1985 where twelve people were killed.

Mexico

• Female homicides in Ciudad Juárez: also known as 'The dead women of Juárez'; the violent deaths of hundreds of women since 1993 in the northern Mexican city of Ciudad Juárez.^[594]

Namibia

• B1 Butcher: murdered at least five women between 2005 and 2007, with all murders related to the National Road B1.^[595]

Poland

• Łódź Gay Murderer: murdered 7 homosexual men from 1988 to 1993 in Łódź.^[596]

Portugal

• Lisbon Ripper: murdered three women in Lisbon between 1992 and 1993.^[597]

Russia

South Africa

• Sleepy Hollow Killer: thought to be responsible for the murders of at least 13 women in the late 1990s, including 3 more in 2007, around Pietermaritzburg and the surrounding area.^[598]

South Korea

• Hwaseong serial murders: series of murders between 1986 and 1991 in Hwaseong; ten women were found raped, bound, and murdered.^[599]

United Kingdom

• Bible John: thought to be responsible for the deaths of three women in Glasgow, Scotland in the late 1960s.^[600]
• Jack the Ripper: murdered prostitutes in the East End of London in 1888.^[601]
• Jack the Stripper: responsible for the London 'Hammersmith nude murders' between 1964 and 1965.^[602]
• Thames Torso Murderer: thought to be responsible for the murder and dismemberment of four women in London between 1887 and 1889.^[603]

United States

See also

• List of non-state terrorist incidents (includes Unabomber, Theodore Kaczynski)

Criminal Psychology Serial Killers

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